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OF THE 

UNIVERSITY 



CX\LI 




ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
The First Republican President of the United States 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



Twelfth 
Republican National Convention 



HELD IN THE CITY O? 



Philadelphia, June 19, 20 and 21 
1900 

RESULTING IN THE RENOMINATION OP 

WILLIAM McKINLEY, of Ohio, for President 



AND THE NOMINATION OF 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT, of New York, for Vice-President 



Reported by M. W. BLUMENBERG, Official Reporter 



ERSITY 

OF 



PRESS OP DUNLAP PRINTING COMPANY 

1332-34-36 CHERRY STREET and 118-20-22-24-26 N. JUNIPER STREET 
PHILADELPHIA, PA. 



ffictal proceedings* 



Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby 
directed to prepare and publish a full and complete report of the 
official proceedings of this Convention, under the direction of the 
National Committee, co-operating with the local committee. 

Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention be requested 
to republish the official proceedings of preceding Republican 
National Conventions now out of print, under the direction of the 
National Committee. 

CHARLES W. JOHNSON, 

SECRETARY. 



8PRECKELS 



COPYRIGHT 
I9OO 



Officers of the Convention. 



CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE 

HON. M. A. HANNA, 

OF OHIO. 

TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION 

HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, 

OF COLORADO. 
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION 

HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, 

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
GENERA L SEC RE TA R Y 

CHARLES W. JOHNSON, 

OF MINNESOTA. 
SERGEANT- A T-ARMS 

GEORGE N. WISWELL, 

OF WISCONSIN. 



101366 




HON. WM. McKINLEY, of Ohio 
Repwbltearv Candidate fotr President of th United Startes, 1<90O 



WILLIAM McKINLEY 



WILLIAM MCKINLEY, the unanimous nominee of the Convention, was 
born at Niles, Trumbull County, Ohio, January 29, 1843, and has made that 
State his home during his entire life. He is of Scotch-Irish stock, his great- 
great-grandfather, James McKinley, having come from the north of Ire 
land to the United States in the first half of the eighteenth century and 
settled in York County, Pennsylvania, where, on May 16, 1755, was born to 
him a son, David McKinley, who was the great-grandfather of the present 
William McKinley. David McKinley evinced his loyalty to the country 
by serving as a private in the War of the Revolution, as shown by the 
records of the Pension Bureau and War Department. His son. James 
McKinley, was the father of William McKinley, ST., the father of the present 
President and nominee of the Convention. 

William McKinley, Sr., the father of President McKinley, removed from 
Pennsylvania to Ohio with his parents in childhood, and on reaching man 
hood became interested in iron manufacturing and the management of iron 
furnaces, in which he was engaged until the time of his retirement from busi 
ness in 1876. As a consequence William, Jr., President, came to have a 
practical knowledge of one of the greatest manufacturing industries of the 
United States and of the important relation which those industries sustain to 
that greatest of all industries agriculture. 

Growing to manhood in the country town of Poland, Ohio, to which his 
father, on account of its superior educational facilities, had removed, William 
Jr. familiarized himself with many of the details of the daily occupation of 
those with whom he was brought constantly in contact. With the method? 
of the country storekeeper, the iron manufacturer, the farmer, the school 
teacher, the postmaster, the book-keeper and the business man of the village, 
he was thoroughly familiar and his progress as a student in the Academy 
of Poland was so rapid that it enabled him, at an early age, to become 
instructor in the district school, thus adding to his funds with which to 
pursue his studies in the Academy. Of his career at that time an old 
citizen of Poland, being asked for reminiscences of Mr. McKinley, said: 
"He was always studying, studying, studying all the time." Thus he became 
familiar with the details of the life of the masses of the people in whose 
welfare and prosperity he has shown such a marked interest during all of 
his public career. 

The first great event in his life, which has been characterized by many 
striking incidents, occurred in June, 1861. The War of the Rebellion had 
begun; a throng of excited citizens gathered at the Sparrow House, the 

5 



6 WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

hotel of the village, and an impassioned speaker, pointing to the stars and 
stripes which hung on the wall, said: "Citizens of Poland: Our country s 
flag has been shot at. It has been trailed in the dust by those who should 
defend it, dishonored by those who should cherish and revere it. And for 
what? That this free government may keep a race in the bondage of 
slavery. Who will be the first to defend it?" Among the first who stepped 
to the front to offer his life as a protest against this form of imperialism 
was a boy of seventeen, William McKinley, Jr., and he thus became a 
member of Company "E," 23d Ohio, which a few days later marched forth 
from the village of Poland, thence to Camp Chase, and thence to the war. 
Upon the rolls of this regiment were such names as W. S. Rosecrans, 
Stanley Matthews, Rutherford B. Hayes and many who subsequently at 
tained national reputation; it participated in many battles Carnifex Ferry, 
Clark s Hollow, Princeton, W. Va. ; South Mountain, Md. ; Antietam, 
Buffington s Island, Ohio, in Morgan s raid; Cloyd s Mountain, Va. ; New 
River Bridge, Va. ; Buffalo Gap, W. Va.; Lexington, W. Va.; Buchanan, 
W. Va.; Otter Creek, Va.; Buford s Gap, Va.; Winchester, Va.; Berryville, 
Va.; Opequan, Va.; Fisher s Hill, Va., and Cedar Creek, Va. 

William McKinley, Jr., although enlisting as a private had, in less than 
one year, been promoted to Commissary Sergeant, and in the subsequent 
years to Second Lieutenant, First Lieutenant, Acting Assistant Adjutant 
General, and finally brevetted Major his service continuing from June n, 
1861, to July 26, 1865. As Commissary Sergeant at Antietam he performed a 
feat, probably never before undertaken, of supplying the men of his regiment 
with hot coffee and meats during an active engagement, risking his life in so 
doing, but coming out unscathed and receiving, as a result, a promotion to 
the position of Second Lieutenant. 

At Kernstown he again distinguished himself by carrying a message from 
General Hayes to a regiment posted at a distance, galloping for a long dis 
tance obliquely toward tho advancing enemy in a direct line of their 
fire, but again escaping almost as by miracle, and in numbers of other en 
gagements he showed bravery and won popularity with all classes of men 
with whom he was associated. 

At the close of the war he returned to Ohio and decided to take up the 
study of law, and in preparing himself for this life work took a course in 
the Albany, New York, law school and was, in 1867, admitted to the bar 
at Canton, Ohio, which place he had selected as his future home and which 
has been his home since that date. In 1871 he married Miss Ida Saxton, 
daughter of James A. Saxton, a prominent citizen of Canton. Major 
McKinley had been less than three years in Canton when his ability 
as a lawyer led to his nomination and election as District Attorney of Stark 
County. In 1876 he announced himself as a candidate for Congress, carry 
ing every township in his county but one, and was nominated on the first 
ballot and elected. 

During fourteen years after this event he represented in Congress the 
District of which Stark County was a part, despite several efforts to so 



WILLIAM McKINLEY. 7 

change the lines of his district as to elect a democrat, and might have still 
continued to do so but for the fact that the democracy which controlled 
the Legislature of Ohio in 1890 deliberately "gerrymandered" the district 
to such an extent as absolutely to assure his defeat, although he made a 
gallant fight against overwhelming odds. The result of this defeat through 
these questionable methods, after a long and faithful career in Congress 
in which he had made a brilliant record as an advocate of "Protection" 
and had become a leader of his party in the House of Representatives, was 
his nomination for Governor of Ohio, to which position he was twice 
elected, and before he had finished his services as Governor he became a 
marked figure as a prospective candidate of the party for the Presidency. 

Mr. McKinley entered upon Congressional life contemporaneously with 
the inauguration of Mr. Hayes as President, and he soon demonstrated his 
ability as a working member. He was an ardent advocate of the doctrine 
of a protective tariff, and a disciple of Hamilton and Clay. In 1888 at the 
Republican National Convention he had the opportunity of declaring his 
faith boldly as the author of the platform of that year. Harrison and a 
Republican Congress were triumphantly elected, and then followed the 
legislation known as the McKinley bill, prepared by the Committee of Ways 
and Means, of which he was Chairman. In 1891 McKinley was unani 
mously nominated by the Republicans for Governor of Ohio. He was 
elected over James E. Campbell by a plurality of 21,511 votes. In 1893 he 
was re-elected, defeating L. T. Neal by a plurality of 80,995 votes. 

In his first campaign for the Governorship, McKinley spoke in eighty- 
four of the eighty-eight counties of the State, and in 1894 he made speeches 
throughout the country, stretching from Pennsylvania to Kansas and from 
Minnesota to Louisiana. It was an unparalleled campaign, like the famous 
days when Lincoln and Douglas were on the stump. His administrations 
as Governor were successful, and peculiarly so in the matter of adjusting 
labor difficulties that threatened serious strikes, which he prevented. 

Twice he declined absolutely to permit a national convention to consider 
his name for the Presidency. In 1888 the Ohio delegation had been in 
structed to support Sherman in the Republican National Convention and 
did so. Ballot after ballot had been taken and no candidate had been able 
to secure a majority, and the cheers which marked Mr. McKinley s entrance 
to the hall at each session showed his popularity with the members of the 
convention. On the sixth ballot a delegate voted for William McKinley 
and was greeted by cheers again and again; the next State called cast 
seventeen votes for McKinley and again cheers broke forth, indicating that 
a drift was setting strongly towards him. Instantly Major McKinley who, 
as Chairman of the Ohio delegation occupied a place upon the floor of the 
convention, leaping upon a chair, interrupted the roll call with the following 
words : 

"Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: 

"I am here as one of the chosen representatives of my State. I am here by 
resolution of the Republican State Convention, commanding me to cast my 



g WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

vote for John Sherman for President, and to use every worthy endeavor to 
secure his nomination. I accepted the trust, because my heart and judgment 
were in accord with the letter and spirit and purpose of that resolution. It 
has pleased certain delegates to cast their votes for me for President. I am 
not insensible to the honor they would do me, but in the presence of the 
duty resting upon me, I can not remain silent with honor. I can not consist 
ently with the wish of the State whose credentials I bear, and which has 
trusted me; I can not consistently with my own views of personal integrity, 
consent, or seem to consent, to permit my name to be used as a candidate 
before this convention. I would not respect myself if I could find it in my 
heart to do or permit to be done that which could even be ground for any 
one to suspect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, or my devotion to 
the chief of her choice and the chief of mine. I do not request I demand 
that no delegate who would not cast reflection upon me shall cast a ballot 
for me." 

The tide was turned and on the seventh ballot Benjamin Harrison was 
nominated. 

Another incident on the same occasion, of which the public knows less, 
showed with equal clearness his firmness of purpose to prevent the nomina 
tion of himself on that occasion. Judge Little, of Ohio, in a statement 
written in 1895, recounted the incident of a visit by Major McKinley and 
himself to the headquarters of the New Jersey delegation at midnight before 
the closing day of the convention. Major McKinley had heard that the 
New Jersey delegation proposed voting for him on the following day and, 
on questioning the Chairman, received from him the reply that "it is a 
matter of our own concern; we shall act upon our own responsibility, being 
accountable only to the Republicans of New Jersey for what we do." To 
this Major McKinley replied that he could not permit this in view of his 
duty to Senator Sherman, adding "Rather than that I would suffer the loss 
of that good right arm! Yes, I would suffer death! To accept a nomination, 
if one were possible, under these circumstances, would inevitably lead to my 
defeat, AND IT OUGHT TO LEAD TO MY DEFEAT! The last clause 
was uttered slowly and with great emphasis. There was a silence of several 
moments, which was broken by the Chairman of the New Jersey delegation, 
who said, "Well, Major, if that is the way you view it, of course we will not 
vote for you." 

In 1892 he again favored the nomination of Harrison, and although acting 
as chairman of the Convention, protested against an attempt to cast the vote 
of Ohio solidly for himself, urging that, as a member of the Ohio delegation, 
he had a right to demand a poll of the State vote and did so demand, the 
result of the poll being that the vote of his alternate was cast for Benjamin 
Harrison, while all the other members of the delegation voted for him. On 
that ballot Harrison was nominated, but 182 votes were cast for William 
McKinley. 

It was not until 1896 that he permitted his friends to announce him for 
the candidacy and present his name to a national convention, and long befoi e 
the convention of that year met, it became apparent that he would be its 



WILLIAM McKINLEY. 9 

nominee, while in the year 1900 no other name was suggested for the 
nomination. 

In the Convention of 1896, at St. Louis, McKinley was nominated for the 
Presidency on the first ballot, receiving 66iV 2 votes to 84V 2 for Thomas B. 
Reed, of Maine; 61% for M. S. Quay, of Pennsylvania; 58 for Levi P. 
Morton, of New York, and 3SV 2 for W. B. Allison, of Iowa. Early in the 
campaign the Republicans attempted to wage the contest on the tariff 
issue, realizing that upon this the party was invincible. The Democrats 
and Republican Silverites, however, insisted upon the currency question as 
the principal issue, and in this they had their way. The result was a sweep 
ing victory for the Republicans. 

During the campaign of 1896, McKinley was in line with his party on the 
currency question, and as the result of the contest, he was elected, securing 
271 electoral votes to 176 for Bryan. McKinley s popular vote was 7,107,304, 
while Bryan polled 6,292,423 on the Democratic ticket and 240.657 on the 
Populist ticket. 

President McKinky s Administration has been an eventful one, marked 
chiefly by the war with Spain for the liberation of Cuba, which resulted in 
the loss to the mother country of Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippines and 
Guam. Later the extraordinary events occurring in China, have compelled 
the administration to take prompt steps to rescue the ministers and to 
restore order, and this chapter of our diplomacy and military celerity has 
been greatly helpful to other civilized nations and to the world. Other 
features of McKinley s Administration have been the enactment of the 
Dingley protective tariff and the measure for the establishment of the gold 
standard. 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT, the nominee for Vice-President, is of Dutch and 
Scotch-Irish ancestry, and among them were many notable men. He him 
self is the thirty-fourth Governor of New York State. Klass Martenson 
Roosevelt, one of his ancestors, came to America from Holland in 1649. 
His son, Nicholas, was an Alderman of the Leislerian party, and, although 
a burgher of the "major right," he espoused the popular side in the con 
test of the colonies with the mother country. James I. Roosevelt, another 
ancestor, was a captain in the New York State Troop during the Revolu 
tion. His father, Theodore, married Martha, daughter of James and Martha 
Oswald Bulloch, of Roswell, Ga., both of whom were descendants from 
Revolutionary stock of prominence. 

Thus the nominee of the Republican party for Vice-President comes from 
a stock that has been noted for generations for the instincts of freedom, 
the traditions of patriotism and uprightness of conduct. He was born in 
New York city, October 27, 1858. He was primarily educated at home 
under private teachers, and then entered Harvard. He was one of the 
editors of the undergraduate journal, The Advocate, and was prominent 
in athletics. 

After graduation, in 1880, he spent a year in travel and study, and has 
since been a persistent student even under the pressure of official life, and 
at intervals an ardent traveler in both Europe and America. For many years 
he has been deeply interested in the purification of political and official life 
and the application of civil service rules to executive administration. 

As an intimate associate and friend of George William Curtis, his schol 
astic and oratorical abilities brought him to the front as a prominent cham 
pion of civil service principles. He served as Assemblyman in the New 
York Legislature during the years 1882-83 and 84. Mr. Roosevelt intro 
duced the first civil service bill in the Legislature, and it was passed in 
1883, almost simultaneously with the passage of a similar measure in the 
National Congress at Washington. He was Chairman of the New York 
delegation to the National Republican Convention in 1884. 

Mr. Roosevelt was nominated as the independent candidate for Mayor of 
New York city in 1886, and, although endorsed by the Republican party, 
was defeated at the election. In May, 1889, President Harrison appointed 
him Civil Service Commissioner, and he served as President of the Board 
until May, 1895. During his incumbency he was untiring in his endeavors 
to apply the civil service principles of merit and capacity to all executive 
departments, with the aggregate result that instead of 14,000 employes, as 

10 



HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, of New York 
Republican Candidate for Vice-President of the United States, 1900 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT. * 11 

when he began, 40,000 filled their positions under its rules, largely through 
the permissive clause of the Civil Service act. This position of Mr. Roose 
velt as President of the Civil Service Commission made his name familiar 
in all parts of the country, and his reputation for rigid honesty of purpose 
and fearlessness of character was firmly established. 

Legislative investigation having disclosed the conditions which existed 
throughout the New York city police, Mr. Roosevelt was naturally looked 
upon as the man who could thoroughly purge the city and restore the 
morale of the service. The appointment of Police Commissioner was, 
therefore, offered him in May, 1895, and he promptly resigned his position 
as Civil Service Commissioner to accept this post. He immediately began 
the reorganization of the police system with characteristic vigor. The 
prominent features of his administration were impartial enforcement of the 
laws and ordinances, and insistence on rigid honesty and fearlessness in the 
discharge of the duties of the police, and a rigorous application of civil 
service principles in appointments to and promotions on the force. 

Such drastic changes from the previous practice in the department raised 
violent opposition among many people, which only served to incline Roose 
velt s purpose more strongly towards the enforcement of the law. Hereto 
fore it had been considered that an effectual and impartial enforcement of 
the excise law was a moral and a physical impossibility. In a short time 
he proved the contrary. 

Shortly before the outbreak of the Spanish-American War Roosevelt was 
tendered the office of Assistant Secretary of the Navy by President McKin- 
ley. He accepted promptly, and entered on his new duties with his usual 
energy and enthusiasm. He worked night and day, and to him as much as 
to any other man, probably, was due the splendid condition of the United 
States navy when the war with Spain began. 

He had only been in office a short time when he asked for an appro 
priation of $800,000 for "practical target" shooting in the navy, and a few 
months later requested another appropriation of $500,000 for the same pur 
pose. This was considered extravagant, and he was asked what became of 
the ammunition which was purchased with the $800,000. He coolly replied 
that it was all shot away, and he thought it might be that he would do the 
same with that bought with the $500,000 if it were given him. The amount 
was appropriated, and the subsequent results at Manila and Santiago justi 
fied Roosevelt s action, and completely silenced the talk of extravagance. 

When the war with Spain broke out, in 1898, Roosevelt resigned his 
position as Assistant Secretary of the Navy to enter the army. He began 
the formation of a volunteer cavalry regiment. The recruits for this were 
chiefly Western cowboys and hunters, chosen for their courage and en 
durance, and were called the Rough Riders. But they were also joined by 
men from every part of the country, who represented many nationalities 
and every social grade. He was moved to organize this particular form of 
regiment from the fact that years before while in the West on his hunting 
expeditions he formed the acquaintance of these brave western men, to 



12 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 

whom he became speedily endeared on account of his devotion to sport, 
his skill with the rifle, his fine horsemanship and his thoroughly democratic 
manners. 

He had been a member of the Eighth Regiment, New York National 
Guards, from 1884 until 1888, and for a time had served as Captain, thus 
gaining experience in military matters. The Rough Riders was commanded 
by Colonel Leonard Wood, of the regular army, and a close personal friend 
of Roosevelt. The latter was made Lieutenant Colonel, and, on June 15, 
1898, a part of the troops embarked from Tampa with the advance guard 
of Shafter s invading army. 

The Rough Riders took part in all the engagements preceding the fall 
of Santiago, and, at the battle of San Juan, on July I, Colonel Roosevelt 
distinguished himself by leading the desperate charge of the Ninth Regi 
ment and the Rough Riders up San Juan Hill. Known before for his 
energy, sterling honesty and capability, and deeply respected therefor, Lieu 
tenant Colonel Roosevelt, by this magnificent charge against the Spanish 
forces, became one of the idolized heroes of the country. This was strength 
ened by his subsequent acts in Cuba. Every hardship experienced by the 
privates was shared by him. At the close of the Spanish war, Roosevelt 
was commissioned Colonel on July II. 

Colonel Roosevelt was nominated as Governor of New York State on 
September 27, 1898. His Democratic opponent was Judge Augustus Van 
Wyck. Colonel Roosevelt entered into the campaign with characteristic 
enthusiasm, and visited nearly every part of the State. He drew to his 
support the majority of the Independent Republicans and many of the 
Democrats, and carried New York State by a plurality of 18,079. He 
brought to the new position the same force and personality that he had 
displayed in everything he had previously undertaken. He consulted all 
factions and followed what seemed to him to be the best course for the 
State. He maintained his reputation for independence, yet held the respect 
of the party managers. 

Governor Roosevelt might have readily lapsed into habits of indolence, 
but, coming of a race whose mental and physical endurance is seemingly inex 
haustible, he is incessantly industrious. He owns a ranch on the Little Mis 
souri river, in North Dakota, and has a personal acquaintance with life on 
the plains and in the wilderness. As a daring hunter of big game he is a 
conspicuous figure among American sportsmen, and the trophies of the 
chase that adorn his home at Sagamore Hill, near Oyster Bay, L. I., testify 
to the skill with which he handles a rifle. He organized the Boone and 
Crocket Club, and for a long time was its President. 

He has described his various experiences most entertainingly in "Hunting 
Trips of a Ranchman," "The Wilderness Hunter" and "Ranch Life and 
the Hunting Trail." His first work was published a year after he left 
college, and was entitled "The Naval War of 1812." As a biographer he 
has been highly praised for his "Life of Thomas H. Benton" and "Life of 
Gouverneur Morris" in the American Statesman Series. He has also pub- 



THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 13 

lished a "History of the City of New York," "Essays on Practical Politics," 
"American Political Ideals," and has collaborated with Captain Mahan in 
writing the "Imperial History of the British Navy." He is also joint author 
with Henry Cabot Lodge of "Hero Tales from American History." 

Governor Roosevelt is also known as a successful and a captivating lec 
turer. He is a member of the Reformed (Dutch) Church, with which his 
family has been connected for generations. He holds membership in many 
clubs, both social and political. He is a trustee of the American Museum 
of Natural History in New York and is a member of the State Charities Aid 
Association. Columbia University awarded him the degree of LL. D. in 

1899- 

He was married when a very young man to Alice Lee, of Boston, who 
died two years later, leaving a daughter. He was married again in 1886 to 
Edith Kermit Carow, of New York. They have six children, four of whom 
are sons. 



IRepublican national Committee for 1900 



State Member Post-Office 

Alabama J. W. DIMMICK Montgomery. 

Arkansas POWELL CLAYTON Eureka Springs. 

California W. C. VAN FLEET San Francisco. 

Colorado E. O. WOLCOTT Denver. 

Connecticut CHARLES F. BROOKER Ansonia. 

Delaware JOHN EDWARD ADDICKS Wilmington. 

Florida JOHN G. LONG St. Augustine. 

Georgia JUDSON W. LYONS Augusta. 

Idaho GEORGE L. SHOUP Boise City. 

Illinois GRAEME STEWART Chicago. 

Indiana HARRY C. NEW Indianapolis. 

Iowa ERNEST E. HART Council Bluffs. 

Kansas. ^.x_^rT*rt7rnrnv..^.<^D AVID W. MULVANE Topeka. 

Kentucky JOHN W. YERKES Danville. 

Louisiana A. T. WIMBERLY New Orleans. 

Maine JOSEPH H. MANLEY Augusta. 

Maryland Louis E. McCOMAS Hagerstown. 

Massachusetts GEO V. L. MEYER ...Boston. 

Michigan WILLIAM H. ELLIOTT Detroit. 

Minnesota THOMAS H. SHEVLIN Minneapolis. 

Mississippi H. C. TURLEY Natchez. 

Missouri RICHARD C. KERENS St. Louis. 

Montana WILLIAM H. DE WITT Butte. 

Nebraska R. B. SCHNEIDER Fremont. 

Nevada PATRICK L. FLANNAGAN Reno. 

New Hampshire-r^wTTTTrrrvw. CHARLES T. MKANS Manchester. 

New Jersey FRANKLIN MURPHY Newark. 

New York FREDERICK S. GIBBS New York. 

North Carolina JAMES E. BOYD Greenboro. 

North Dakota ALEXANDER MCKENZIE Bismarck. 

Ohio GEORGE B. Cox Cincinnati. 

Oregon GEORGE A. STEEL Portland. 

Pennsylvania M. STANLEY QUAY Beaver. 

Rhode Island CHARLES R. BRAYTON Providence. 

South Carolina E. A. WEBSTER Orangeburg. 

South Dakota J. M. GREEN Chamberlain. 

Tennessee WALTER P. BROWNLOW Jonesboro. 

Texas R. B. HAWLEY Galveston. 

Utah O. J. SALISBURY Salt Lake City. 

Vermont JAMES W. BROCK Montpelier. 

Virginia GEORGE E. BOWDEN Norfolk. 

Washington GEORGE H. BAKER Goldendale. 

West Virginia N. B. SCOTT Wheeling. 

Wisconsin HENRY C. PAYNE Milwaukee. 

Wyoming WILLIS D. VANDEVANTER Cheyenne. 

^Territories, ^District of Columbia artD tmwaii 

Alaska JOHN G. HEID Juneau. 

Arizona W. M. GRIFFITH Florence. 

New Mexico SOLOMON LUNA- Los Lunas. 

Oklahoma WILLIAM GRIMES Kingfisher. 

Indian Territory WILLIAM M. MILLETTE Vinita. 

District of Columbia MYRON M. PARKER Washington. 

Hawaii HAROLD M. SEWALL.... ....Honolulu. 




HON. M. A. HANNA, of Ohio, 
Chairman Republican National Committee, 1900 



(( UNIVERSITY 

OF K . 



CAMPAIGN OF J900 
ORGANIZATION OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 



INEVV YORK HEADQUARTERS 
No. i Madison Avenue 

M. A. HANNA, of Ohio, Chairman. 

JOSEPH H. MANLEY, of Maine. 

N. B. SCOTT, of West Virginia. 

FRED. S. GIBBS, of New York. 

FRANKLIN MURPHY, of New Jersey. 

CORNELIUS N. BLISS, of New York , Treasurer 



CHICAGO HEADQUARTERS 
233 Michigan Avenue 

M. A. HANNA, of Ohio. Chairman. 

KENRY C. PAYNE, of Wisconsin, Vice Chairman. 

PERRY S. HEATH, of Indiana, Secretarv. 

VOLNEY W. FOSTER, Illinois, Asst. Treasurer. 

EDWIN F. BROWN, Illinois, Sub Treasurer. 

RICHARD C. KERENS, Missouri. 

GRAEME STEWART, Illinois. 

HARRY S. NEW, Indiana. 

GEORGE N. WISWELL, Wisconsin, Serjeant-at-arms. 



ADVISORY COMMITTEE. 



HON. THOMAS C. PLATT New York, New York 

HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW New York, New York 

HON. WILLIAM L. STRONG New York, New York 

SAMUEL T. WAINWRIGHT Pittsburg, Pennsylvania 

W W GIBES Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 

COL. MYRON T. RERRICK Cleveland, Ohio 

BISHOP B W. ARNETT Wilberforce, Ohio 

ALEXANDER REVELL Chicago, Illinois 

F O LOWDEN Chicago, Illinois 

S. B RAYMOND Chicago, Illinois 

JOHN DUPEE Chicago, Illinois 

CYRUS FIELD ADAMS Chicago, Illinois 

EDWARD ROSEWATER Omaha, Nebraska 

HON. GEO. L. V. MYKR Boston, Massachusetts 

HON. W. B. PLUNKETT Boston, Massachusetts 

CHARLES F. BROOKER Ansonia, Connecticut 

HON. NELSON W. ALDRICH Rhode Island 

THOMAS LOWRY Minneapolis, Minnesota 

M. D. GROVER St. Paul, Minnesota 

H. H. HANNA Indianapolis, Indiana 

HON. TAS. A. GARY Baltimore, Maryland 

DR. ERNEST LYON Baltimore. Maryland 

IRVING M. SCOTT San Francisco, California 

WM. BARBOUR * New Jersey 

HON. JOHN KEAN New Jersey 

W. B. CLARK St. Louis, Missouri 

E. O. STANNARD St. Louis. Missouri 

W. L STRATTON Denver, Colorado 

HON.JOHN L. WILSON Tacoma, Washington 

CHARLES F. PFISTER Milwaukee, Wisconsin 

WILLIAM LIVINGSTON Detroit, Michigan 

JUSTICE C. STERNS Detroit, Michigan 

D. W 7 . MULVANE Topeka, Kansas 

E. E. HART Council Bluffs, Iowa 

NOTE. The above Committee is auxiliary to the NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 



OFFICERS AND MEMBERS 

OF THE 

Republican Congressional Committee, 1900 

OFFICERS 

Chairman, HON. JOSEPH W. BABCOCK, Wisconsin. 
Vice-Chairman, HON. JAMES S. SHERMAN, New York. 
Secretary, HON. JESSE OVERSTREET, Indiana. 
Treasurer, MR. WM. B. THOMPSON, Washington, D. C. 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 

Rep. JOHN A. T. HULL, of Iowa. 
Rep. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. 
Rep. DAVID H. MERCER, of Nebraska. 
Sen. REDFIELD PROCTOR, of Vermont. 
Sen. J. H. GALLINGER, of New Hampshire. 
Sen. G. W. MCBRIDE, of Oregon. 
Rep. H. C. LOUDENSLAGER, of New Jersey. 
Rep. C. A. RUSSELL, of Connecticut. 
Rep. W. C. LOVERING, of Massachusetts. 



MEMBERS 

STATF NAME POST-OFFICE 

ADDRESS 

Alabama W. F. ALDRICH Aldrich 

California VICTOR H. METCALF ; Oakland 

Connecticut CHARLES A. RUSSELL Killingly 

Delaware JOHN H. HOFFECKER Smyrna 

Idaho GE ORGE L. SHOUP Salmon City 

Illinois JOSEPH G. CANNON Danville 

Indiana JESSE OVERSTREET Indianapolis 

Iowa JOHN A. T. HULL Des Moines 

Kansas W. A. CALDERHEAD. ... Marysville 

Kentucky SAMUEL J. PUGH Canceburg 

Maine CHARLES A. BOUTELLE Bangor 

Maryland SYDNEY E. MUDD La Platte 

Massachusetts WILLIAM C. LOVERING Taunton 

Michigan JOHN B. CORLISS Detroit 

Minnesota FRANK M. EDDY Glenwood 

Missouri CHARLES E. PEARCE St. Louis 

Montana THOMAS H. CARTER Helena 

Nebraska DAVID H. MERCER Omaha 

New Hampshire JACOB H. GALLINGER Concord 

New Jersey HARRY C. LOUDENSLAGER Paulsboro 

New York JAMES S. SHERMAN Utica 

North Carolina ROMULUS Z. LINNEY Taylorsville 

North Dakota B. F. SPALDING ...Fargo 

Ohio HENRY C. VANVOORHIS Zanesville 

Oregon GEORGE W. McBRIDE St. Helens 

Pennsylvania WILLIAM CONNELL Scranton 

Rhode Island MELVILLE BULL Middletown 

South Dakota ROBERT J. GAMBLE Yankton 

Tennessee HENRY R. GIBSON Knoxville 

Texas R. B. H AWLEY Galveston 

Vermont REDFIELD PROCTOR Proctor 

Virginia R. A. WISE Williamsburg 

Washington WESLEY L. JONES N. Yakima 

West Virginia BLACKBURN B. DOVEXER Wheeling 

Wisconsin JOSEPH W.-BABCOCK Necedah 

Wyoming FRANK W. MONDELL Newcastle 

TERRITORIES 

Oklahoma DENNIS T. FLYNN.... Guthrie 

New Mexico PEDRO PEREA Bernalillo 



CHAIRMEN REPUBLICAN STATE CENTRAL 
COMMITTEES. 

STATES CHAIRMEN POST OFFICE 

Alabama ........... WM. VAUGHAN .............. Birmingham 

Arkansas ........... H. L. REMMEL ............... Little Rock 

California ......... GEO. STONE .................. Room 184, Palace Hotel, San Francisco 

Colorado ........... A. B. SEAMAN ................. Denver 

Connecticut ....... O. R. FYLER .................... Torrington 

Delaware ........... J. FRANK ALEE .............. Dover 

Florida .............. HENRY S. CHUBB ........... Gainesville 

Georgia. .......... W. H.JOHNSON ............. Atlanta 

Idaho ................. FRANK A. FENN ............ Boise 

Illinois ............... F. H. ROVVE .................... G. N. Hotel, Chicago 

Indiana .............. CHAS. S. HERNLEY ...... Indianapolis 

Iowa .................. H. O. WEAVER ............... Room 313, Equitable Bldg., Des Moines 

Kansas ............... MORTON ALBAUGH ..... Topeka 

Kentucky ........... LESLIE COMBS .............. Louisville 

Louisiana ......... F. B. WILLIAMS ............. New Orleans 

Maine ............... J. H. MANLEY .............. Augusta 

Maryland .......... P. L. GOLDSBOROUGH..5 N. Calvert Street, Baltimore 

Massachusetts ...A. H. GOETTING ............ 164 Washington Street, Boston 

Michigan ............ GERRIT J. DIEKEMA ..... Detroit 

Minnesota ..... TAMS RAN Endicott Buildin ^ St Paul 



Mississippi ......... E. W. COLLINS ............... Jackson 

Missouri..., ......... THOS. J. AKINS .............. Lindell Hotel, St. Louis 

Montana ........... JOS. P. WOOLMAN ......... Helena 

Nebraska .......... H. O. LINDSAY ............... Omaha 

Nevada ............. R. K. COLCORD .............. Carson City 

New HampshireJACOB H. GALLINGER..Concord 

New Jersey ........ FRANKLIN T. MURPHY 143 Chestnut Street, Newark 

New York ......... BENJ. B. ODELL, JR ........ Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York City 

North Carolina..A. E. HOLTON ................ Winston 

North Dakota. ..W. H. ROBINSON ............ Mayville 

Ohio .................. CHAS. DICK .................... Columbus 

Oregon .............. GEO. A. STEEL ............... Rooms 600-604 Cham. Com., Portland 

Pennsylvania ....GEN. FRANK REEDER..Easton 

Rhode Island ..... HUNTER C. WHITE ...... Providence 

South Carolina. ..R. R.TOLBERT,jR ......... Greenwood 

South Dakota ..... FRANK CRANE ............... Sioux Falls 

Tennessee ......... A. M. TILLMAN ............... Nashville 

Texas ................. E. H. R. GREEN .............. Terrell 

Utah .................. E. H. CALLISTER ........... Salt Lake City 

Vermont ............ IRA R. ALLEN ................. Fair Haven 

Virginia ............ PARK AGNEW ................ Alexandria 

Washington ...... J. H. SHIVELY ................ Seattle 

West Virginia. ..W. M. O. DAWSON .......... Parkersburg 

Wisconsin ......... GEN. GEO. E. BRYANT...Hotel Pfister, Milwaukee 

Wyoming .......... J. A. VAN ORSDEL ......... Cheyenne 



TERRITORIES 

Arizona CHAS. R. DRAKE Tucson 

Indian Territory H. W. DARROUGH Vinita 

New Mexico. ... ..JOHN S. CLARK Las Vegas 

Oklahoma WM. GRIMES Guthrie 

2 17 




HON. JOSEPH H. MANLEY, of Maine, 
Chairman of Sub-Committee on Arrangements for National Convention of 1900 




THE LOCAL COMMITTEES 
AND THEIR WORK 



BY LEON M. COXWELL, OF PHILADELPHIA 



In the efforts to secure the Republican National Convention of 1900 
for their city, in the preparation and arrangements for that event and 
in providing for the comfort and entertainment of the delegates, the citi 
zens of Philadelphia acted as one harmonious unit, all appreciating the 
honor of having the convention that was to renominate President McKinley 
and eager to do all in their power to make it a success. The movement pro 
gressed continuously from the day of its inception, and when the conven 
tion was over all identified with it agreed that the convention had been 
the best arranged and most successfully executed in the history of the 
party. 

The first public suggestion that Philadelphia should strive to secure 
the National Convention appeared in the leading editorial of "The Press" 
on October i, 1899. The suggestion was general in its nature, but it was 
taken up by the Young Republican Club and soon resolved itself into a 
definite attempt to bring the Republican Convention of 1900 to Philadelphia. 
The daily papers took up the movement and on November I7th in re 
sponse to invitations issued by the Young Republicans, an enthusiastic 
meeting was held in their clubhouse. Representatives were present from 
the Union League, the Philadelphia Bourse, Manufacturers Club, Board of 
Trade, National Association of Manufacturers, Hardware Mechanics and 
Manufacturers Association, Oil Trade Association, Commercial Exchange, 
Maritime Exchange, Grocers and Importers Exchange, Lumbermen s 
Exchange, Drug Exchange, Paint Club, Chamber of Commerce, Master 
Builders Exchange, Philadelphia Board of Marine Underwriters, Merchants 
and Salesmens Association, Board of City Passenger Railways, Working- 
mens Protective Tariff League, Carpenters Company, Bricklayers Com 
pany, Business Mens League, the Brewers Association, the various railroad 
companies, heads of departments and bureaus of the city government, bank 
ing interests, Republican City Committee, Republican Ward Executive Com 
mittees and Republican clubs. 

19 



20 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Horace D. Gavv, president of the Young Republicans, pointed out 
the strength of the city s claim to the Convention, since it was the strongest 
Republican city in the strongest Republican State of the Union. The pecu 
liar advantages of the city for handling crowds and housing large assem 
blies were pointed out by others. All the speakers were hearty in their 
advocacy of the plan and the enthusiasm of their auditors was great. One 
week later, at the Young Republicans Club, the Citizens National Repub 
lican Convention Association was formed with the avowed object of bend 
ing every energy to bringing that gathering to Philadelphia. Thomas 
Martindale was elected chairman and when the organization was perfected, 
Henry Burk was elected president; Thomas Martindale first vice-presi 
dent; Mahlon N. Kline second vice-president; Porter F. Cope secretary, 
and Richard H. Rushton, treasurer. Senator Penrose, National Committee- 
man Quay and the entire Pennsylvania delegation in Congress pledged 
their heartiest support. Personal appeals were sent to each member of 
the National Republican Committee and after a few days of energetic work 
it was tacitly agreed that if the Convention came east it would come to 
Philadelphia. Committees were appointed by President Burk and it was 
decided that the vast auditorium which had been built for the National 
Export Exposition would, with slight alterations, be an ideal place for the 
Convention. Director General Wilson of the Exposition and Director of the 
Philadelphia Museums, entered gladly into the project and the use of the 
building was easily secured. It was decided to pledge $100,000 to the Na 
tional Committee if the Convention was held in Philadelphia. 
{/ On December nth, 1899, the sub-committee of the Citizens Executive 
Committee went to Washington to work in the interest of Philadelphia 
before the meeting of the National Committee, which was to take place 
four days later. The sub-committee included W. S. P. Shields, chairman; 
Henry Brooks, Penrose A. McClain, Major A. T. Ennis, J. F. McLaughlin, 
Louis H. Smith and Robert McWade. Senator Penrose accompanied them 
on a visit to President McKinley, during which Mr. Shields explained the 
purpose of the Committee s visit to Washington. The President naturally 
declined to express any preference as to where the Republican Convention 
should be held, but the visitors were much encouraged by his evident 
kindly feeling for Philadelphia. 

Delegations seeking the convention for other cities were soon on the 
ground, and the rivalry was intense. Philadelphia presented her claims in 
a business-like way and left no stone unturned which could further her 
} object. The experience of the city with the National Export Exposition, 
the Peace Jubilee and the National Encampment of the Grand Army of the 
Republic was practical proof of her ability to provide for big occasions 
and to handle large crowds without inconvenience or discomfort. 

On December i4th, Philadelphia s committee of one hundred repre 
sentative citizensTheaded by Mayor Samuel H. Ashbridge, left in a special 
train for Washington. The committee met at the Young Republican Club, 
where each one was given a badge, and the march begun to Broad Street 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 21 

Station. J. Hampton Moore, the Mayor s secretary, accompanied the 
party and the members of the Committee included: 

Mahlon N. Kline, Edward T. Davis, John V. Cresson, Edwin S. Cramp, 
Richard H. Rushton, J. Martin Rommel, Richard B. Williams, George G. 
Clark, M. D., J. F. Hartman, B F. Jarrett, J. H. Scott, Richard G. Oellers, 
Charles H. Sayre, J. G. Ramsdell, George B. McClellan, W. E. McCall, Jr., 
E. St. Elmo Lewis, S. K. Shedaker, William C. Kramer, P. C. B. O Dono- 
van, Daniel J. Shern, Frank Roma, Colonel W T illiam J. Bruehl, Alexander 
Cowan, Colonel J. J. Hinds, Joseph J. Martin, J. William Morgan, Horace 
Pettit, Captain R. B. Schellinger, Dr. H. Bullen, William Matthews, W. H. 
Redheffer, G. Wallace Simpson, Emory P. Day, Colonel O. C. Bosbyshell. 
Joseph A. Eslen, John Lunkenheimer, Jr., William G. Carroll, Albert Web 
ster, Walter Graham, John R. McFetridge, Edward E. Paxson, Frank 
Leake, Dr. William H. Bricker, John McClintock, John W. Woodside, 
William B. Cunningham, Morris Newburger, George E. Vickers, M. J. 
O Callaghan, David Lavis, Lincoln Acker. 

Thomas Martindale, Russell Duane, Dr. Wilmer R. Batt, James Henry, 
S. Abrahams, Colonel John A. Weidersheim, Horace D. Gaw, Murray 
Gibson, I. Stroud Hinkson, Colonel Wendell P. Bowman, B. F. Oblinger, 
John R. Wiggins, William C. Gross, Charles N. Mann, Andrew V. Brown, 
W. A. Fredericks, R. H. Innes, Joseph McGlathery, Robert B. Kelly, 
W. H. Cullen, C. C. A. Baldi, William H. Brooks, Howard B. French, 
John A. Leslie, Evan Morris, John A. O Rourke, Charles M. Swain, 
Thomas M. Updyke, Dr. William P. Wilson, Colonel John A. Morris, 
Edwin S. Stuart, James B. Craighead, C. S. Warfield, Porter F. Cope. 
John H. Klang, Elmer S. Little, William R. Knight, Jr., H. D. Beaston, 
Cyrus S. Detre, Charles L. Flanigan, George W. Sunderland, George 
Demming, Dr. C. S. Page, James Stewart, Matthias Seddinger, Theodore 
C. Search, Benjamin P. Obdyke, John G. Croxton, Henry W. Lambert, 
Byron E. Wrigley, A. S. Hottel, George B. Wilson, Jr., Thomas R. Sewell, 
Dr. James M. Magee, John S. Stewart, W. C. Felton, C. H. Johnson, 
George W. Ledlie, George V. Kerst, W. H. Mohler, Harry R. Wildey, 
John Alexander, Benjamin L. Berry, Robert vonMoschzisker, and W. 
H. Sayen. 

Councils appointed a committee of ten from each chamber to co-operate 
with the Citizens Committee. 

The claims of Philadelphia were presented at the meeting of the Na 
tional Committee on December J-Sth, by Mayor Ashbridge, Congressmen 
Bingham and Adams, and Messrs. Shields and Burk of the Citizens Com 
mittee. On the first ballot the vote stood: Philadelphia, 13; Chicago, 20: 
St. Louis, 9; New York, 7. On the next ballot Philadelphia received 24 
votes, Chicago, 23, and St. Louis, i. The choice was made on the third 
ballot, when Philadelphia received 25 votes to 24 for Chicago. The choice 
was then made unanimous and the delegations from rival cities cheerfully 
joined in the cheers for Philadelphia and the Republican Convention of 



22 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

1900. When the committee returned to Philadelphia that night there was 
a great demonstration, including a parade, and the work of making good 
the promises and perfecting the details of the coining Convention was 
begun in earnest. The Committee on Finance began the labors of secur 
ing the $100,000. The Building Committee arranged for alterations to 
the Exposition Auditorium. 

When National Committeemen Payne of Wisconsin, Manley of Maine, 
and Fessenden of Connecticut, arrived on December I7th, they found 
everything running smoothly. After inspecting the buildings Mr. Payne 
said: "We expect great things of your city and I feel sure we will not 
be disappointed." That they were not disappointed is now a matter of 
Republican history. 

As the first of the year approached the sentiment grew that as the 
reputation of Philadelphia was at stake in providing for the Convention, 
a committee should be formed with more authority and responsibility than 
could be assumed by the Citizens Convention Committee. There were 
a number of resignations from the Committee and on January 3ist over 
sixty representative men of Philadelphia met with Mayor Ashbridge in 
his office to discuss the best plan of raising the fund of $100,000 promised 
to the National Committee. The Mayor was elected chairman, and on 
February pth the Citizens National Republican Convention Association 
was merged with the Mayor s Committee and the Mayor was named as 
the responsible head of the organization. His secretary, J. Hampton 
Moore, as President of the State League of Republican Clubs, interested 
himself heartily in the movement, and at a meeting in the Union Repub 
lican Club, representatives from forty-eight clubs met to arrange for the 
care and entertainment of visiting clubs and delegates with the object 
in view of maintaining Philadelphia s reputation for hospitality. 

The make-up of the Philadelphia Citizens National Republican Con 
vention Committee as finally organized and by which the plans for the 
Convention were pushed to completion is as follows: 

MAYOR SAMUEL H. ASHBRIDGE, CHARLES H. CRAMP, 

Chairman. Vice-Chairman. 

JAMES POLLOCK, Chairman Finance Committee. 

RICHARD H. RUSHTOX, J. HAMPTON MOORE, 

Treasurer. General Secretary. 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

J. J. SEEDS, Chairman. 

SAMUEL H. ASHBRIDGE, JOHN G. CARRUTH, 

CHARLES C. ADAMS, HENRY CLAY, 

ALEXANDER BALFOUR, CHARLES H. CRAMP, 

C. W. BERGNER, GEORGE V. CRESSON, 

J. H. BROMLEY, WILLIAM J. COLLINS, 

RALPH BLUM, EDWARD T. DAVIS, 

HENRY BURK, SAMUEL DISSTON, 




HON. SAMUEL H. ASHBRIDGE 
Mayor of Philadelphia 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



MURRELL DOBBINS, 
JOHN FIELD, 
H. B. FRENCH, 
HENRY A. FRY, 

WILLIAM B. GILL, 
JOSEPH R. GRUNDY, 
J. OGDEN HOFFMAN, 
JAMES HENRY, 
J. S. W. HOLTON, 
E. CLARENCE HOWARD, 
MAHLON N. KLINE, 
WILLIAM L. MARTIN, 
WILLIAM L. MCLEAN, 

PENROSE A. McCLAIN, 
JOHN MUNDELL, 
WILLIAM J. MILLIGAN, 
J. HAMPTON MOORE, 
GEORGE F. PAYNE, 
JAMES POLLOCK, 
WILLIAM T. B. ROBERTS, 
RICHARD H. RUSHTON, 
W. S. P. SHIELDS, 
W. H. STAAKE, 
ISAAC SCHLICTER, 



RICHARD G. OELLERS, 
CHARLES F. WARWICK, 
CHARLES J. WEBB, 
MAHLON D. YOUNG, 

Committee on Badges: 
HENRY CLAY, Chairman. 
RICHARD G. OELLERS, 
HENRY BURK. 

Committee on Decorations: 
J. S. W. HOLTON, Chairman. 
JOHN G. CARRUTH, 
HOWARD B. FRENCH, 
JOSEPH R. GRUNDY, 
MAHLON N. KLINE. 

Committee on Accommodations: 
W. S. P. SHIELDS, Chairman. 
EDWARD T. DAVIS, 
WILLIAM J. COLLINS, 
W. T. B. ROBERTS, 
WILLIAM L. MARTIN. 



RECEPTION COMMITTEE. 

CHARLES F. WARWICK, Chairman. 



ADAMS, CHARLES C., 
ADAMS, ROBERT, JR., 
ANDERSON, H. E., 
ARTMAN, E. A., 
ANDERS, J. M., 
ALLISON, THOMAS W-, 
BROOKS, HENRY, 
BAUGH, DANIEL, 
BLUM, RALPH, 
BALFOUR, ALEXANDER, 
BURK, HENRY, 
BROMLEY, JOHN H., 
BLASIUS, OSCAR, 
BODINE, SAMUEL, 
BIGELOW, A. C., 
BUSCH, MEIERS, 
BALDI, C. C. A., 
BERGNER, CHAS. WM V 
BALTZ, ALBERT, 
BARNEY, CHARLES D., 
BUCK. DANIEL N., 
BURPEE, W. ATLEE, 
BERWIND, M. A., 
BALLARD, ELLIS AMES, 
BROMLEY, JOSEPH H., 
BAILEY, JOHN N., 
BETZ, J. FRED., 
BINGHAM, HENRY H., 
BLANKENBURG, RUDOLPH, 



BAILEY, CHARLES W., 
BRADENBURG, CHARLES A., 
BRINGHURST, R. R., 
BROOKS, DR. EDWARD, 
BROWN, JOSEPH H., 
BROWN, EVERETT B., 
BOK, EDWARD W., 
BUNN, WILLIAM M., 
BAILEY, JOHN W., 
BEATH, ROBERT B., 
CONVERSE, JOHN H., 
CLAY, HENRY, 
CUMING, JOHN K., 
CASSATT, A. J., 
CRESSON, GEORGE V., 
CARRUTH, JOHN G., 
CALDWELL J. E. 
CRAMP CHARLES H. 
CARSON HAMPTON L., 
CRAMP, EDWIN S., 
CLOTHIER, CLARKSON, 
CROW, ALEXANDER, JR., 
CLEMENT, SAMUEL M., 
CARPENTER, WILLIAM H., 
COLLINS, WILLIAM J., 
COLESBERRY, ALEXANDER P., 
CUNNINGHAM, THOMAS, 
CORBIN, J. ROSS, 
COPE, PORTER F., 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



COOK, JOEL G-, 
CROXTON, JOHN G., 
CADWALLADER, A. J., 
CARSTAIRS, J. HAZELTINE, 
CAMPION, RICHARD, 
DETRE, CYRUS S., 
DISSTON, SAMUEL, 
DEVLIN, THOMAS, 
DODGE, JAMES M., 
DAVIS, EDWARD T., 
DOBSON, JOHN, 
DOBSON, JAMES, 
DOBBINS, MURRELL, 
DAVIS, ROBERT S., 
DUNLAP, HARRY C., 
DUNLAP, JOHN, 
DICK, EVANS R., 
DISSTON, WILLIAM, 
DUGAN, THOMAS, 
DOAK, JAMES, JR., 
DANDO, THOMAS S., 
DARLINGTON, JOSEPH G., 
DOLAN, THOMAS, 
DAVIS, G. HARRY, 
ELVERSON, JAMES, JR., 
ELVERSON, JAMES, 
ELLISON, WILLIAM H., 
ELLIOTT, GEORGE J., 
ENNIS, A. J., 
ENGLISH, ABRAHAM L., 
EMSLEY, WILLIAM, 
EVERLY, ADAM, 
FITZGERALD, HARRINGTON, 
FOX, ALEXANDER H., 
FIELD, JOHN, 
FILBERT, L. S., 
FOERDERER, ROBERT H., 
FITLER, E. H., JR., 
FOX, L. WEBSTER, 
FOULKROD, W. W., 
FREIHOFER, WILLIAM, 
FRENCH, HOWARD B., 
FORD, WILLIAM, 
FINKENAUER, THEODORE, 
FRY, HENRY A., 
FRICKE, J. E., 
GIBBS, W. W., 
GILL, WILLIAM F., 
QRATZ, SIMON, 
(1RUNDY, JOSEPH R., 
GRIEB, J. G., 
GARDINER, JOHN, 
GRAY, HENRY W., 
GILLINGHAM, CHARLES A., 
GREENE, STEPHEN, 
GIMBEL., ELLIS A., 
GOLDNER, HENRY, 



GAW, HORACE D., 
GROVE, GEORGE W., 
GRADY, JOHN G., 
GRAY, JOHN GORDON, 
GAYTON, S. R., 
HARRIS, FRANKLIN M. 
HALLAHAN, P. T., 
HENSEL, GEORGE S., 
HARRISON, THOMAS S., 
HIRES, CHARLES E., 
HOUSTON, SAMUEL F., 
HOOD, JAMES, 
HAUCK, PHILIP, 
HOFFMAN, J. OGDEN, 
HARRIS, JOSEPH S., 
HARDING, CHARLES H. 
HARTMAN, WENCEL, 
HENDERSON, J. D. G., 
HUHN, GEORGE A., 
HULSHIZER, J. D., 
HOLTON, J. S. W., 
HENRY, CHARLES W., 
HENRY, JAMES, 
HARMER, A. C., JR., 
HART, JOHN W., 
HUSTON, JOSEPH M., 
HOFFMAN, J. W., 
HETHERINGTON, A. G., 
HADDOCK, WILLIAM C. 
HACKETT, HORATIO B. ? 
HUNT, D. W., 
HESTON, HARRY B., 
HENRY, J. BAYARD, 
HUEY, WILLIAM G., 
HIBBS, JAMES M., 
HAYES, JAMES A., 
HANCE, EDWARD N., 
HOWARD, CLARENCE E. 
IVINS, WILLIAM, 
JONES, J. R., 
JERMON, J. G., 
JAGODE, PHILIP, 
KLINE, MAHLON N., 
KESS, JOSEPH S., 
KINDRED, CHARLES F.. 
KINSEY, JOHN L., 
KENDRICK, JOHN R., 
KETTERLINUS, J. L., 
KILBURN, JOHN H., 
LEAKE, FRANK, 
LIT, SAMUEL D., 
LAMBERT, WILLIAM H.. 
LAUMAN, FLOYD, 
LANE, DAVID H., 
LESLEY, ROBERT W., 
LEWIS, JOHN T., 
MATHIEU, J. P., 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



25 



MAYER, GUSTAV, 
MANN, CHARLES H., 
MITCHELL, S. MURRAY, 
MUNDELL, JOHN, 
MARTINDALE, THOMAS, 
MARTIN, DAVID, 
MARTIN, D. B., 
MALTBY, L. U., 
MILLIGAN, WILLIAM J., 
MORSE, EDWIN F., 
MALONE, EDWIN V., 
MORRELL, EDWARD de V., 
MULHOLLAND, ST. CLAIR A., 
MARTIN, WILLIAM L., 
MARKS, FERDINAND, 
MACK, JOHN M., 
MILES, JAMES L., 
MALPASS, EDWARD M., 
MOYER, WILLIAM, JR., 
McBRIDE, THOMAS C., 
McCAHAN, WILLIAM J., 
McCALL, JOSEPH B., 
McCLAIN, PENROSE A., 
McCLURE, ALEXANDER K., 
McCLOSKEY, JOHN J., 
McCORMICK, LAWRENCE, 
McCORMICK, W. M., 
McCURDY, GEORGE, 
MxcILWAINE, E. A., 

MCLAUGHLIN, JAMES F., 
MCLEAN, WILLIAM L., 

McMAHON, DAVID, 
McMICHAEL, CLAYTON, 
McMICHAEL, MORTON, 
McMULLEN, DAVID, JR., 
McNICHOL, JAMES P., 
NACHOD, JULIUS E., 
NEEDHAM, JAMES F., 
NORTON, CHARLES B., 
O ROURKE, MICHAEL, 
OBLINGER, BENJAMIN F., 
OELLERS, RICHARD G., 
OTT, WILLIAM H., 
PARSONS, JOHN B., 
PORTER, CHARLES A., 
POWERS, THOMAS H., 
PASSMORE, LINCOLN K., 
PATTON, WILLIAM A., 
POTH, F. A., 
PLUMB, FAYETTE R., 
PATTON, EDWARD W., 
POTTER, THOMAS, JR., 
PHILLER, GEORGE, 
PAYNE, GEORGE F., 
PERNA, JOSEPH, 
POLLOCK, JAMES, 



PIERIE, GEORGE G., 
PETTIT, HORACE, 
PAGE, HARLAN, 
PRATT, D. T., 
PENROSE. BOIES, 
PATTERSON, GEORGE STUART, 
PEOPLES, DAVID, 
RIDGWAY, JACOB E., 
ROSENGARTEN, J. G., 
ROTHERMEL, P. F., JR., 
RICHARDSON, THOMAS 
REEVES, FRANCIS B., 
RAMSDELL, J. G., 
ROBERTS, WILLIAM T. B., 
RICE, THOMAS B., 
RIGHTER, FREDERICK C., 
ROMMEL, J. MARTIN, 
RIEBENACK, MAX, 
REYBURN, JOHN E., 
REYBURN, W. S., 
RONEY, WILLIAM J., 
RYAN, WALTER, 
STOTESBURY, E. T., 
SWETT, GEORGE W., 
SNELLENBURG, NATHAN, 
SCHOEN, CHARLES T., 
SWAIN, CHARLES N., 
SAYEN, WILLIAM HENRY, 
SHOCK, HENRY R., 
SULLIVAN, JAMES F., 
SMITH, LOUIS H., 
SMITH, EDWARD L, 
SMITH, CHARLES, 
SMITH, ROBERT, 
SMITH, WINTHROP, 
STRONG, JAMES, 
SOULAS, CHARLES W., 
STOKLEY, WILLIAM S., 
STEAD, WESLEY, 
SCHELL, EDWARD L., 
STAAKE, WILLIAM H., 
SCHWAAB, C. M.. 
SCHLICTER, ISAAC, 
SEEDS, JACOB J., 
SEWELL, WILLIAM J., 
SUPPLEE, J. WESLEY, 
STAFFORD, JOHN, 
SHARP, SAMUEL S., 
STEVENS, JOHN S., 
SHAFTO, T. MILTON, 
SHOEMAKER, HARRY B., 
SMEDLEY, WILLIAM, 
SHIELDS, W. S. P., 
SHIELDS, A. S. L., 
STUART, EDWIN S., 
STRAWBRIDGE, JUSTUS C, 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



WARWICK, CHARLES F., 
WEGER, FRANK L., 
WALTON, JOHN M., 
WOLF, CLARENCE, 
WOLSTENHOLME, THOMAS, 
WOOD, WILLIAM, 
WYETH, F. H., 
WATTS, DAVID H., 
WAHN, SAMUEL W., 
WANAMAKER, WILLIAM H., 
WILSON, JAMES, 
WILSON, WILLIAM P., 
WOODSIDE, JOHN W., 
WOODWARD, GEORGE, 
WIGGINS, JOHN R., 
WOOD, MORRISON D., 
WINDRIM, JOHN T., 
WALTON, HENRY F., 
WARBURTON, BARCLAY H., 
WAGNER, LOUIS, 
WIEDERSHEIM, JOHN A., 
WEYGANDT, JULIUS S., 
WEAVER, GEORGE W., 
YOUNG, JAMES R., 
YOUNG, MAHLON D., 



SNOWDEN, A. LOUDON, 
SOLIS, ISAAC H., 
SEARCH, THEODORE C., 
STEWART, HENRY C., 
SMEDLEY, W. HENRY, 
SCOTT, JAMES F., 
SMYTH, MARIOTT C., 
SCATTERGOOD, HENRY W., 
SELIG, ELY K., 
TOWNSEND, HENRY L., 
TRAINER, HENRY J., 
THOMAS, C. WESLEY, 
TILDEN, WILLIAM T., 
TRAINER, EDWARD, 
TARR, H. G. R., 
VOORHEES, THEODORE E., 
VARE, GEORGE A., 
VIRDIN, JOHN, 
VOORHEES, CHARLES E., 
VAN NEESEN, T. W., 
VAN RENNSELAER, ALEX., 
VON MOSCHZISKER, ROBERT, 
VREEMAN, SAMUEL B., 
WANAMAKER, THOMAS B., 
WELLS, CALVIN, 
WEBB, CHARLES J., 

Of the Allied Republican Clubs of Philadelphia and vicinity, under whose 
auspices the convention parade was held, and which were active in the 
entertainment of guests, the following were the officers: 

President, J. HAMPTON MOORE. 

Vice-President, THOMAS J. POWERS, 

Secretary, JOHN KELLY. 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

Chairman, 
J. HAMPTON MOORE. 

Vice-Chairmen, 
JST, JOHN C. GRADY, 20, HORACE D. GAW, 30, JOHN VIRDIN. 

Secretary, Asst. Secretary, 

JOHN KELLEY. WILLIAM C. T. BAUERLE. 
Financial Secretary, Treasurer, 

J. MARTIN ROMMEL. T. E. WIEDERSHEIM. 

CHAIRMEN OF COMMITTEES. 

Finance, Conferences and Courtesies, 

JOHN R. WIGGINS, WILLIAM J. MILLIGAN. 

Reception and Entertainment. Badges, Music and Decorations, 

JOHN C. GRADY. WILLIAM M. GEARY. 

Hotels and Boarding Houses. Demonstrations, 

JAMES H. ECKERSLEY. FREDERICK M. WAGNER. 

Transportation, Press and Printing, 

JAMES F. MORRISON. ARTHUR R. H. MORROW. 

The work of collecting the fund of $100,000 was a large undertaking 
even in Philadelphia, whose generosity is widely known. The collections 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 27 

were pushed with energy by the Mayor and Chairman Pollock of the 
Finance Committee, and on February i6th Mayor Ashbridge forwarded 
to Senator Hanna, Chairman of the National Republican Committee, his 
check for $25,000, being the first quarter of the fund pledged in the name 
of the city. Before March ist a check for the second quarter was sent 
to Washington and the third quarter was forwarded soon after. The 
completion of the $100,000 fund was announced on May I4th and stragg 
ling subscriptions coming in afterwards swelled the total considerably 
above $100,000. Philadelphia, as usual, more than made good her word. 

Alterations on the hall were speedily made and the accommodations 
planned to seat 15,000 people. At every visit of members or sub-com 
mittees of the Republican National Committee nothing but words of com 
mendation were given. Sergeant-at-arms George N. Wiswell, after his 
tour of inspection on March 24th, said: "I have no hesitancy in saying 
that the arrangements made by the citizens of Philadelphia for the coming 
Convention are in every respect satisfactory to the Republican National 
Committee. I may also say that in my opinion the hall in which the 
Convention is to be held will be the best in which a national convention 
has ever met." 

When the Convention assembled on June ipth everything that could 
be done by Philadelphia to make it a success had been done. The organi 
zation of the Citizens Committee and the Allied Republican Clubs was 
perfect and it worked like a well oiled machine. Every citizen was eager 
to help in looking after the delegates and other visitors to the Convention. 
The police arrangements were unexcelled and transportation facilities 
adequate. Providence assisted by providing ideal weather, and on every 
side were heard enthusiastic and continual laudations of Philadelphia, her 
energy, her hospitality and her ability to provide for great events. 

To Mayor Ashbridge and through him to the citizens of the city Na 
tional Committeeman Hanna said: "I want to say to you, Mr. Mayor, 
that I have heard the opinion expressed everywhere that Philadelphia 
in the matter of this Convention has outdone herself. I want to say 
to you in all sincerity that we have never seen anything like it. The 
members of the National Committee are pleased beyond expression. Per 
sonally, I cannot thank you too much for what you and the citizens of 
Philadelphia have done to make the Convention a success and to make 
the visit of the delegates and their friends agreeable. Everybody is talk 
ing about it and one and all are sounding theN praises of Philadelphia as 
a convention city. The perfect order that has been maintained here is 
freely commented upon. The hospitality of your people has been bound 
less and with all the liberality I have seen no signs of disorder." 

The National Chairman also congratulated Mr. Moore on the arrange 
ments made and carried out by the Allied Republican Clubs. Mr. Hanna 
but voiced the general sentiment, and when the Convention, having ac 
complished its business, adjourned, the delegates spread all over the Union 
the praises of Philadelphia; the typical American city. 




HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, of Colorado, 

Temporary Chairman of the Convention, and Chairman of the Committee to 
Notify the Candidate for Vice-President 




PROCEEDINGS 

OF THE 



Republican National Convention 



HELD IN 

PHILADELPHIA, PA, 



June 19, 20 and 2J, 1900 



THE FIRST DAY 

THE CALL TO ORDER AND OPENING PRAYER ADDRESS OF 
CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE, MR. HANNA 
TEMPORARY OFFICERS AND ORGANIZATION AD- 
DRES^ OF TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN, MR. WOLCOTT 
STANDING COMMITTEES PRAYER OF CHAPLAIN OF THE 
NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1856. 



CONVENTION HALL 

PHILADELPHIA, PENNA., Tuesday, June 19, 1900. 

Mr. MARCUS A. HANNA, of Ohio, Chairman of the Republican National 
Committee (at 12.36 o clock p. m.) The Convention will come to order, 
and will be opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. James Gray Bolton, of 
Philadelphia. 

PRAYER OF REV. JAMES GRAY BOLTON, D. D. 

Rev. James Gray Bolton, D. D., of Philadelphia, offered the following 
prayer: 

O Thou who art a Spirit Infinite, eternal, unchangeable, in Thy being, 
wisdom, power, holiness, justice, goodness, and truth. 

Thou art the Sovereign God. 

The Creator, ruler, disposer of us, and all that Thou hast made. 

Thy thoughts are not our thoughts, nor Thy ways our ways. 

Thy mercy is not limited to persons and to races, but comprehendeth all 
that live and breathe. 



30 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Blessed be Thy name. Thy glory is shown, and Thy kingdom established 
and advanced in leading men and nations, by a way that they knew not, 
to a land of security and peace. 

Oh, that men would praise Thee for Thy goodness and for Thy wonder 
ful works to the children of men. 

We adore Thee for the way in which Thou hast led us. 

The glory and honor of our nation is the manifestation of Thy power 
and glory. 

Thou hast led us in ways not of our own choosing; ways best for us 
and most to Thy glory. 

May we cheerfully follow where Thou leadest. 

Thou hast been the God of our fathers. 

Thou art the God of their children. 

Our trust is in Thee. 

Save us, O Lord, from ingratitude and discontent. 

Give us the spirit of praise and thanksgiving. 

Grant that we, as a nation and a people, may remember Thy goodness, 
and praise Thee for continued life and prosperity. 

O Lord, our God, let Thy richest blessing rest upon Thy servant, the 
President of these United States. 

Indue him with a competency of Thy divine wisdom; that he may direct 
the affairs of the nation to Thy glory and the well-being of all our people. 

We humbly beseech Thee, O Lord God, to bless all in authority. 

Sustain them in their responsible relations to Thee and a free people. 

O God of all wisdom and grace, grant unto this assembly wisdom, grace, 
and guidance; that in all their deliberations, and conclusions. Thy name 
shall be glorified, the honor of this nation maintained and the peace and 
prosperity of the people established. 

Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Ghost, as it was 
in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world without end, Amen. 
t 

CALL FOR THE CONVENTION. 

Mr. M. A. HANNA, of Ohio. The Secretary will now read the call for the 
Convention. 

Mr. CHARLES DICK, Secretary of the Republican National Committee, 
read the call for the Convention, as follows: 



HEADQUARTERS REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
N. W. Cor. I4th and G Streets, Washington, D. C. 

The Executive Committee M. A. Hanna, Ohio, Chairman; Charles 
Dick, Akron, Ohio, Secretary; James G. Cannon, New York, Treasurer; M. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 31 

5. Quay, Beaver, Pennsylvania; Joseph H. Manley, Augusta, Maine; Henry 
C. Payne, Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Powell Clayton, Eureka Springs, Ark.; 
W. T. Durbin, Anderson, Indiana; Cyrus Leland, Troy, Kansas; N. B. 
Scott, Wheeling, West Virginia; Charles G. Dawes, Evanston, Illinois. 

To the Republican Electors of the United States: 

In accordance with established custom and in obedience to instructions 
of the National Convention of 1896, the National Republican Committee 
directs that a National Convention of delegated representatives of the 
Republican party be held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Penn 
sylvania, for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice- 
President, to be voted for at the Presidential election, Tuesday, November 

6, 1900, and for the transaction of such other business as may properly 
come before it, and that said Convention shall assemble at 12 o clock noon 
on Tuesday, the ipth day of June, 1900. 

The Republican electors of the several States, the District of Columbia, 
and the Territories, and all other electors, without regard to past political 
affiliations, who believe in the principles of the Republican party and en 
dorse its policies, are cordially invited to unite under this call in the 
selection of candidates for President and Vice-President. 

Said National Convention shall consist of a number of delegates at 
large from each State, equal to double the_number oMJnited States Sena 



tors to which each State is entitlec[~ and for each representative at large 
in Congress two delegates at large; from each Congressional district and 
the District of Columbia, two delegates; from each of the Territories of 
Alaska, Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico, and Oklahoma, two dele 
gates. For each delegate elected to said Convention an alternate delegate 
shall be elected to act in case of the absence of the delegate, said alternate 
delegate to be elected at the time and in the manner of electing the delegate. 

All delegates shall be elected not less than thirty days before the meet 
ing of the National Convention. Delegates at large shall be elected by 
popular State and Territorial Conventions, of which at least thirty days* 
notice shall have been published in some newspaper or newspapers of 
general circulation in the respective States and Territories. 

The Congressional district delegates shall be elected by conventions 
called by the Congressional Committee of each district, in the manner 
of nominating the candidate for Representative in Congress in said dis 
trict, provided, that in any Congressional district where there is no Re 
publican Congressional Committee, the Republican State Committee shall 
appoint from among the Republicans residents in such district, a committee 
for the purpose of calling a district convention to elect delegates to repre 
sent said district. 

The election of delegates from the District of Columbia shall be held 
under the direction and supervision of an election board composed of Hon. 
John B. Cotton, Mr. W. C. Chase, and Mr. L. M. Saunders. 



32 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Such board shall have authority to fix the date of such election and to 
arrange all details and regulations incident thereto, and shall provide for 
a registration of the votes as cast, such registration to include the name and 
residence of each voter. 

The Territorial delegates shall be elected in the manner of nominating 
candidates for delegates in Congress, and delegates from the Indian Ter 
ritory and Alaska shall be elected by popular convention. 

We recommend that the Territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, New 
Mexico, and Oklahoma each elect six delegates and six alternate delegates, 
and that Alaska elect four delegates and four alternate delegates, and the 
admission of such additional delegates to the Convention is hereby recom 
mended. 

All notices of contest shall be submitted in writing, accompanied by a 
printed statement setting forth the grounds of contest, which shall be filed 
with the Secretary of the National Committee twenty days prior to the 
meeting of the National Convention. Contests will be acted on by the Na 
tional Convention in the order of the date of filing of notice and statement 
with the Secretary. 

M. A. HANNA, Chairman. 
CHARLES DICK, Secretary. 



ADDRESS OF CHAIRMAN OF NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COM 
MITTEE. 

MR. M. A. HANNA, of Ohio. Gentlemen of the Convention: In bidding 
you welcome I also desire to extend congratulations upon this magnificent 
gathering of representatives of the great Republican party (applause). 
The National Republican Committee made no mistake when they brought 
the National Convention to the city of Philadelphia. (Applause.) This city, 
the cradle of liberty (applause), the birthplace of the Republican party 
(applause), this magnificent industrial center, a veritable beehive of industry 
what fitter object lesson could be presented to those of us who gather 
here to witness the success of the great principle of our party which has 
been its foundationprotection to American industries (applause); this 
city which has long and always been known the country over for its un 
bounded hospitality and the superb management of all great functions 
which have come within its limits (applause). On the part of the National 
Committee I desire to extend sincere thanks to the people of Philadel 
phia, and especially to your honorable Mayor (applause) and the loyal 
citizens, who, without regard to party, have labored with him to make this 
Convention a success. Never in the history of conventions of either po 
litical party has success been greater. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 33 

Delegates, I greet you on the anniversary in Philadelphia of the birth 
day of our party (applause). I need not remind you that your duty here 
is one of deliberate judgment, one for which you will be held responsible 
not only by your party, but by the country. We are called together once 
more upon the eve of another great struggle. We are now beginning to 
form our battalions under the leadership of our great statesman-general, 
William McKinley (great applause). I was about to give the order for 
those battalions to move, but you interrupted me (laughter). It needs no 
order to Republicans when they scent from afar the smoke of battle. It 
is unnecessary to tell the men who sit in front of me what their duty is. 

Before I lay aside my gavel and retire from the position I have held for 
four years as Chairman of the Republican National Committee, I desire in 
this presence, in the most public manner, to return my sincere thanks to 
every member of this splendid Committee who stood by me in the struggle 
of 1896 (applause), and especially to that coterie who gathered at the head 
quarters in New York and Chicago and worked from early morn till late 
at night for the principles of the Republican party and for the welfare of 
their country. I leave it in the hands of others to tell you what that meant, 
but in passing to others those duties, I want to make one suggestion 
always trust the people. (Applause.) I want them to use as the motto of 
the Committee of 1896: "There is no such word as fail." (Applause.) 
plause.) 

And now, gentlemen, it becomes my duty and very great pleasure to 
present as your temporary chairman Senator Wolcott, of Colorado. (Ap 
plause.) 

MR. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, I move that 
the recommendation of the National Republican Committee in respect of 
the selection of a temporary chairman be approved. 

The motion was unanimously agreed to. 

MR. HANNA, of Ohio. Gentlemen of the convention, I have the honor 
to present to you as the temporary presiding officer of the convention, Hon. 
Edward O. Wolcott, of Colorado (applause). 



ADDRESS OF THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 

THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN (HoN. E. O. WOLCOTT, of Colorado.) Gen 
tlemen of the convention.Since the first party convention in these United 
States, there was never one gathered together under such hopeful and aus 
picious circumstances as those which surround us to-day. United, proud 
of the achievements of the past four years, our country prosperous and hap 
py, with nothing to regret and naught to make us ashamed, with a record 
spotless and clean, the Republican party stands facing the dawn, confident 
3 



34 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

that the ticket it shall present will command public approval, and that in 
the declaration of its principles and its purposes, it will voice the aspirations 
and hopes of the vast majority of American freemen (applause). 

We need "no omen but our country s cause;" yet there is a significance 
in the fact that the convention is assembled in this historic and beautiful 
city, where we first assumed territorial responsibilities, when our fathers, 
a century and a quarter ago, promulgated the immortal Declaration of In 
dependence. 

The spirit of justice and liberty that animated them found voice three- 
quarters of a century later in this same City of Brotherly Love, when Fre 
mont led the forlorn hope of united patriots who laid here the foundations 
of our party and put human freedom as its corner stone (applause). It 
compelled our ears to listen to the cry of suffering across the shallow 
waters of the Gulf two years ago. While we observe the law of nations 
and maintain that neutrality which we owe to a great and friendly gov 
ernment, the same spirit lives to-day in the genuine feeling of sympathy 
we cherish for the brave men now fighting for their homes in the veldts 
of South Africa. It prompts us in our determination to give to the dusky 
races of the Philippines the blessings of good government and republican 
institutions, and finds voice in our indignant protest against the violent 
suppression of the rights of the colored man in the South (applause). That 
spirit will survive in the breasts of patriotic men as long as the Nation en 
dures; and the events of the past have taught us that it can find its fair and 
free and full expression only in the principles and policy of the Republican 
party. 

The first and pleasant duty of this great convention, as well as its instinc 
tive impulse, is to send a message of affectionate greeting to our Leader 
and our country s President, William McKinley, (applause). In all that 
pertains to our welfare in times of peace, his genius has directed us. 
He has shown an unerring mastery of the economic problems which con 
front us, and has guided us out of the slough of financial disaster, im 
paired credit and commercial stagnation, up to the high and safe ground of 
National prosperity and financial stability (applause). Through the deli 
cate and trying events of the late war he stood firm, courageous and con 
servative, and under his leadership we have emerged triumphant, our Na 
tional honor untarnished, our credit unassailed, and the equal devotion of 
every section of our common country to the welfare of the Republic ce 
mented forever (applause). Never in the memory of this generation has 
there stood at the head of the Government a truer patriot, a wiser or more 
courageous leader, or a better example of the highest type of American 
manhood (applause). The victories of Peace and the victories of War 
are alike inscribed upon his banner (applause). Those of us whose pleasure 
and whose duty have called us from time to time into his presence, know 
how freely he has spent and been spent in his country s service; but the 
same vigorous manhood and clear and patriotic vision animate him as of 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 35 

old, and give us confidence and trust for the future of our Republic, be 
cause his hand will guide us, and his genius direct (applause). 

Four years ago the Republican party at St. Louis named a ticket which 
commanded the confidence and support of the American people. It bore 
the names of two eminent Americans, each endeared by years of loyal ser 
vice to his country and his party. No whisper of personal attack intruded 
upon the National issues which determined the contest. There was a 
double safeguard for the country s welfare. Every true American knew 
that if in the dispensation of Providence our Leader should be called from 
his high place, there stood beside him a statesman devoted and staunch, 
in whose hands the. vast and weighty affairs of our country could be well 
and safely entrusted. Had Garret Augustus Hobart been spared to us 
until to-day, the work of this convention would have been limited to a cor 
dial and unanimous indorsement of the leaders of 96. Diis aliter visum 
and when, a few months ago, our dear Vice-President left this sphere of 
usefulness for another, he was accompanied with the tears and sorrow of 
every lover of his country. He distinctly lifted up the high office of Vice- 
President to a nobler plane and to greater dignity and importance. He was 
always the trusted friend and adviser of our President, sage in counsel 
and wise in judgment; while to those of us whose great privilege it was 
for three years to see him daily in the Senate of the United States, and to 
come under the influence of his calm and kindly presence, and to grow 
nearer to him and more endeared in friendship as the months rolled around, 
his loss is personal and deep. He is no longer with us in the body, but his 
influence still permeates the Senate and will for all time make better and 
kindlier the sons of men, and he lives in the hearts he left behind. 

" There Is 

One great society alone on earth 
The noble living and the noble dead." 

So many events of great portent have been crammed into the past months, 
that we are to judge and measure the work of this administration chiefly 
by the occurrences since the outbreak of the Spanish war. It is worth while 
for us to recall earlier days. 

When Mr. McKinley became President he took the reins of govern 
ment after four years of Democratic administration. For the first time in 
more than a generation Democracy had full sway, with both Houses of 
Congress in party accord with the Executive. No summary of the unmer 
ciful disasters of those four years can convey an idea of a tithe of the ruin 
they wrought. 

In the four years preceding Mr. Cleveland s administration we had paid 
two hundred and sixty millions of the National debt; he added two hundred 
and thirty millions to its burdens. He found a tariff act, bearing the name 
of his successor and our President, fitted to meet the requirements of our 
necessary expenditures, to furnish the needed protection to our farmers 



36 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



and manufacturers, and to insure the steady and remunerative employment 
of those who labor. Instead of permitting manufacture and commerce that 
repose and stability of law which are essential for working out economic 
conditions, he at once recommended violent and radical changes in rev 
enue and tariff provisions, recommendations which his party in Congress 
proceeded partially and disastrously to execute. The appalling result of 
his policy is still fresh in the memory of millions who suffered from it. In 
four years the country witnessed some 60,000 commercial failures, with 
liabilities aggregating more than nine hundred million dollars. One hun 
dred and seventy-seven railroads, with a mileage of 45,000 miles, or twice the 
circle of the globe, and with securities amounting to nearly three billion 
dollars, were unable to meet their interest charges and passed into the 
hands of receivers. More than 170 national banks closed their doors, with 
liabilities reaching seventy millions; wool and all farm products which tariffs 
could affect, lost tens of millions in value; farm mortgages were foreclosed 
by thousands throughout the great West; our agricultural exports shrunk 
in value; the balance of trade which had been in our favor turned ruinously 
against us; the National Treasury was depleted of its gold reserve; our 
Government bonds were sold to syndicates at far below their market value 
before or since, and our steadily declining revenues were insufficient to meet 
the necessary expenses of conducting the Government. If capital alone had 
suffered, the loss would have been great, but not irremediable. Unfortu 
nately those who rely upon their daily labor for their sustenance, and 
their families dependent upon them, constituting the great mass of the 
American people, were made to feel heaviest the burden of disaster. 
Nearly one-third of the laboring population of the United States were 
thrown out of employment, and men by thousands, able and willing to 
labor, walked the highways of the land clamoring for work or food. 

Four years of commercial misfortune enabled our industries to meet, 
in a measure, these changed and depressed conditions, but when President 
McKinley was inaugurated the country was in a state more deplorable 
than had existed for a generation. 

Facing these difficulties, the President immediately upon his inaugura 
tion convened Congress in extra session, and in a message of force and lu 
cidity summarized the legislation essential to our National prosperity. The 
industrial history of the United States for the past four years is the tribute 
to the wisdom of his judgment. (Applause.) It is quickly epitomized. 

The tariff measure under which we are now conducting business was 
preceded by an unusual volume of importations based upon common know 
ledge that certain duties were to be raised; the bill met the popular demand 
that duties on many of the necessaries of life should be lowered and not 
raised; advances in invention and new trade conditions made it unnecessary 
and unwise to revert to the higher tariff provisions of the law of 1890; the 
increases in the revenue provisions were slight. Yet, notwithstanding all 
these facts, tending to reduce income, the revenues from the Dingley Bill 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 37 

marched steadily upwards, until soon our normal income exceeded our nor 
mal expenditure, and we passed from a condition of threatened insolvency 
to one of National solvency. (Applause.) 

This tells but a small fraction of the story. Under the wise provisions 
of our tariff laws and the encouragement afforded to capital by a renewal 
of public confidence, trade commenced to revive. The looms were no 
longer silent and the mills deserted; railway earnings increased, merchants 
and banks resumed business, labor found employment at fair wages, our 
exports increased, and the sunshine of hope again illumined the land. 
The figures that illustrate the growing prosperity of the four years of Re 
publican administration well nigh stagger belief. There is not an idle mill 
in the country to-day. The mortgages on Western farms have been paid 
by the tens of thousands, and our farmers are contented and prosperous. 
Our exports have reached enormous figures; for the last twelve months 
our exports of merchandise will exceed our imports by five hundred and 
fifty million dollars. Our manufactured articles are finding a market all 
over the world and in constantly increasing volume. We are rapidly tak 
ing our place as one of the great creditor nations of the world. Above 
and beyond all, there is no man who labors with his hands, in all our broad 
domain, who cannot find work, and the scale of wages was never in our his 
tory so high as now. (Applause.) 

Passing over, for the moment, the events associated with the war, let 
me refer briefly to other legislation of the past four years. 

We passed a National Bankrupt Act, a measure rendered essential by 
four years of Democratic rule, and under its beneficent provisions, thou 
sands of honest men who were engulfed in disaster because of the blight of 
the Democratic policy, are again enabled to transact business and share 
the blessings of Republican prosperity. (Applause.) 

For half a century the Hawaiian Islands, a menace to the long line of 
coast which skirts our Pacific slope, have been knocking for admission as 
part of our territory, and during that period the publicly expressed opin 
ion of both political parties favored their annexation. Four times have they 
been occupied by European powers, and so often have we compelled their 
abandonment because it was essential that they should never be occupied 
by any foreign power. Finally, after years of misgovernment by native 
rulers, the gallant descendants of American merchants and missionaries 
made proffer again of these valuable possessions to this country, asking 
only to come under our flag and dominion. A Democratic President re 
pudiated the offer, and sought to assist in restoring the former corrupt 
and oppressive ruler. It was left for this administration to make them 
a* part of American territory. (Applause.) They are on the way to our 
islands in the Southern seas; every instinct of self-protection should have 
prompted our quick acceptance of their sovereignty, and yet they were ac 
quired in spite of the bitter opposition of almost every Democrat in Con 
gress. 



38 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

During the last administration an offer of settlement was made to the 
Pacific railroads which would have brought us forty-two million dollars 
out of the seventy million dollars due us in principal and interest. Presi 
dent McKinley, refusing to consider as binding the former offer, and act 
ing within the authority of Congress, collected every dollar both of prin 
cipal and interest due from the Union Pacific Company, and the principal 
of the debt due from the Kansas Pacific. (Applause.) We saved more 
than twenty million dollars over the offer of settlement made by Mr. Cleve 
land, and have collected all of the principal and most of the interest due 
us. (Applause.) Thus was this transaction closed, and it has since been 
followed by a settlement of the debt of the Central Pacific Railroad, call 
ing for every dollar of principal and interest of the debt, amounting to 
fifty-eight millions. More than 35 years ago a Republican administra 
tion lent the credit of the country to the building of the great iron band 
that was to link together the East and the West, lent it not in times of peace 
but when our country was in the throes of civil war. The area to be pene 
trated was then unsettled and unknown. It is now a great empire, rich, 
prosperous and happy, and the money of the people which made the high 
way possible, has been returned to them in overflowing measure. (Ap 
plause.) 

Whenever a Republican administration is in power there is constant talk 
of trusts. The reason is not far to seek. Aggregations and combinations 
of capital find their only encouragement in prosperous days and widening 
commerce. (Applause.) Democratic administration in this country has 
universally meant industrial stagnation and commercial depression, when 
capital seeks a hiding place instead of investment. The Republican party 
has always maintained that any combination having for its purpose the cor 
nering of a market or the raising or controlling of the price of the nec 
essaries of life was unlawful and should be punished (applause), and a com 
mission appointed by the President under act of Congress has made care 
ful investigation and will soon present a full report of the best method of 
dealing with this intricate question. We shall meet it in some efficient 
way and, as a party, shall have the courage to protect every class of our 
citizens (applause). There was never a better time to deal with it than 
now, when there is not in this broad land a man willing to work who does 
not find employment at fair wages, and when the clamor of the agitator 
who seeks confiscation and not regulation, falls on dead ears and finds no 
response from the artisans in our busy workshops. (Applause.) 

The campaign four years ago was fought on the currency question. The 
Populistic Democracy insisted that the United States alone should embark 
on the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to I, without waiting the 
concurrence of any other nation. The Republican party insisted that the 
question of bimetallism was international, and that until it should be settled 
under agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, gold 
should continue to be the standard of value in these United States. Upon 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 39 

that issue we triumphed. (Applause). In accordance with the pledge of 
the party an honest effort was made to reach some international solution of 
the question. The effort failed of accomplishment. The mints of the coun 
tries of Europe were open for the coinage of gold alone. The vast dis 
coveries of Alaska, South Africa, and the States of our own country, have 
furnished a steadily increasing volume of gold, and, with the recent Euro 
pean action, have demonstrated that the question is one calling for inter 
national action by all the great countries of the world, and, if ever entered 
into, must be by such concurrent action of the leading commercial nations 
as shall secure permanence of relative value to the two metals. Mean 
while we follow the path of safety. (Applause.) As we grow year by year 
more firmly established as a creditor nation, the question concerns us less 
and other countries more. No impairment of national credit can be con 
templated by an honorable nation. We have made advances enough; this 
country can better afford than any other to enter upon the contest for 
commercial supremacy with gold as its standard, and for us the time has 
come to give fair notice to the world that we, too, make gold our stan 
dard and redeem our obligations in that metal. (Applause.) For twelve 
years the platforms of the party have declared in favor of the use of gold 
and silver as money. The logic of recent events, together with the at 
tempt of the Democracy to drag down the question from its international 
character, to associate it with every vagary of Populism and Socialism, 
and to drive this country to an alliance with Mexico and China, as an ex 
clusively silver using country, has impelled our people to this settlement of 
the problem, and the recent action of Congress has eliminated the danger 
which its further agitation menaced. (Applause.) 

The provisions of the act secure to the people a needed increase in the 
volume of currency, prevent the future depletion of the gold in the 
Treasury, and encourage a more extended use of our bonds by the Na 
tional Banks of the country. But, above all, the success attending its pas 
sage has demonstrated that our own people and the nations of Europe 
have faith in the permanence of our institutions and our financial integrity. 
(Applause.) Our debt is funded at two per cent, per annum, and millions 
of our interest charge saved annually. The world has never witnessed so 
triumphant a financial success as has followed the passage of the currency 
law, and our two per cent, bonds, held the world over, already command 
a substantial premium. (Applause.) Through the policy of the Repub 
lican party and the wisdom of a Republican administration, we have not 
only made stable and permanent our financial credit, at home and abroad, 
are utilizing more silver as money than ever before in our history, but we 
have left the Populistic Democracy a dead issue they can never again gal 
vanize into life, and compelled them to seek to create new issues growing 
out of a war which they were most eager to precipitate. (Applause.) 

May I, a Western man, add another word? The passage of this bill, 
which received the vote of every Western Republican in Congress, marked 



40 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

the termination, forever final, of any sort of difference between Republi 
cans of the East and of the West, growing out of currency problems. 
(Applause.) Even if the stern logic of events had not convinced us, our 
deep and abiding loyalty to the principles of the party, our belief that the 
judgment of its majority should govern, would lead us to abandon further 
contention. And the thousands of Republicans in the West who left us 
four years ago are returning home. (Applause.) The men of the far West 
are bone of your bone, and flesh of your flesh. The sun that shines on you 
blesses them also, and the shadow before your door darkens their homes 
as well. They are naturally expansionists in the Western plains and moun 
tains (applause), and when they see a great political party attacking the 
integrity of the Nation, and lending encouragement to insurrectionists 
who are shooting down our soldiers and resisting the authority of the Gov 
ernment of the United States, all other questions fade and are forgotten, 
and they find themselves standing shoulder to shoulder in the ranks of the 
Republican party, keeping step, always, "to the music of the Union." (Ap 
plause.) 

There is more to follow this summary of a few of the leading measures 
passed by a Republican Congress and approved by a Republican President. 
Before the expiration of Mr. McKinley s first term, we shall have passed a 
law relieving certain articles from a portion at least of the burdens they now 
carry because of the War Revenue Act, and meanwhile we have, out of sur 
plus revenues, already paid and called in for cancellation forty-three mil 
lion dollars of outstanding bonds. The coming winter will see enacted into 
law, legislation which shall revivify and upbuild our ocean merchant ma 
rine, and enable us to compete on fair terms with the subsidized ships of 
foreign nations which now so largely monopolize the carriage of American 
goods. (Applause.) And above all, we shall, having then before us the 
report of the able commission now ascertaining the most favorable route, 
pass a law under which we shall build and own and operate as property 
of the United States, under exclusive American dominion and control, a 
ship canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific. (Applause.) Through it 
in time of peace the commerce of the world shall pass. If we shall be un 
happily engaged in war, the canal shall carry our warships and shall ex 
clude those of the enemy, and under conditions which shall violate no 
treaty stipulations. (Applause.) 

This is the brief account of our stewardship for four years. During a 
portion of that period we were involved in a war which for a time paralyzed 
business and commerce, and would have taxed heavily the resources and 
credit of any other country than ours; and for the past year or more 
we have been employing an army of some 50,000 men in suppressing an 
insurrection against our authority 8,000 miles away. No industry has felt 
the strain of these extraordinary expenses, nor have they affected the 
general sum of our prosperity. (Applause.) More than that, the con 
ditions resulting from the legislation of the past four years have obliterated 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 41 

every issue that was raised during the last campaign. The Democracy 
having therefore to find some rallying cry, seek it in the results of our 
late war with Spain, and upon that question, as upon all others, we stand 
ready to meet them in the open. (Applause.) 

During the weeks and months preceding the outbreak of hostilities with 
Spain, the President of the United States, who knew by personal experi 
ence on many a battle-field something of the horrors of war, and who 
realized the expense and suffering which war entailed, stood firmly upon 
the ground that a peaceful solution could be found. And when that awful 
occurrence took place in the harbor of Havana, and a hot frenzy of in 
dignation swept over our people, and a conflict seemed inevitable, he faced 
popular clamor and heated counsels, and still believed that the wrongs 
of Cuba could be remedied and redressed without an appeal to the arbi 
trament of war. (Applause.) 

The folly of Spain and the indignation of the American people forbade 
a peaceful solution. Then the President, seconded by a Republican Con 
gress, before a gun was fired, declared to the world the lofty and unselfish 
motives that alone actuated the nation. (Applause.) No man now, or in 
the centuries to come, when History, which alone "triumphs over time," 
recounts the marvelous story of the war which changed the map of the 
world, shall ever truthfully say that this Republic was animated by any 
but the noblest purposes. (Applause.) Recorded .time tells of no such 
war, for it was fought, with bloody sacrifice, by a great and free Republic, 
for the freedom of another race, while its own liberties were unassailed. 
(Applause.) 

This is not the time or the occasion to dwell upon the incidents of the 
war, crowded with successive victories and illuminated with countless 
examples of individual bravery and gallant conduct. (Applause.) Its liv 
ing heroes are honored by a generous country; its dead have ennobled 
the race, and will live forever in the hearts of a grateful people. (Applause.) 
Throughout all its anxious days the President, Commander-in-Chief of 
our armies and our navies, planned and directed with unerring hand. His 
wise diplomacy saved us from threatened international complications. From 
the commencement of hostilities until their close the conduct of the war 
was unassailable, and the paltry criticisms of two years ago are already 
buried in the limbo of oblivion. (Applause.) 

In August, 1898, a preliminary protocol was executed at Washington, 
followed by the sessions of the Peace Commissioners of the United States 
and Spain, in Paris, commencing in October of that year. Public interest 
in this country concerning these negotiations was intense. Until cur sol 
diers and sailors had landed at Manila we had known little of the con 
ditions of the people of the Philippines. We soon ascertained that the 
cruelties and oppressions existing in Cuba were mild compared with the 
treatment to which eight millions of people in those islands were sub 
jected. We realized that if we relinquished the archipelago to Spain we 



42 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

consigned its inhabitants again to a condition worse than slavery, worse 
than barbarism. We had put our hands to the plough, and every in 
stinct of honor and humanity forbade us to turn back. {Applause.) A 
universal demand arose from all over the country that we should retain 
our hold upon these islands, afford their people the protection of our laws, 
lift them out of their unfortunate condition, and fit them, if possible, for 
self-government. Any agreement by our Commissioners to give back the 
Philippines to Spain, reserving for ourselves an island or a coaling sta 
tion, would have aroused a universal national indignation, and would never 
have been ratified by the representatives of the people. (Applause.) 

No man saw this so clearly as did the President. In his advices to the 
Commissioners he told them it was imperative that we should be governed 
only by motives that should exalt the nation; that territorial expansion 
was our least concern, but that, whatever else was done, the people of the 
Philippines must be liberated from Spanish domination; and he reached 
this view solely through considerations of duty and humanity. (Applause.) 
The American Commissioners, men of differing political faiths, reached a 
unanimous conclusion. The Treaty of Paris was ratified by the vote of 
two-thirds of the Senate, and the territory we acquired under it became 
lawful and legal possessions of the United States. (Applause.) The re 
sponsibility for the war rested upon us all; the responsibility for the treaty 
rests chiefly upon the Republican party, and that party avows the wisdom 
of the treaty and declares it to be the policy of the party to adhere to 
its terms and to accept the responsibilities it imposed. (Applause.) 

We assumed dominion of Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines for 
reasons differing as to each of them. 

We took to ourselves the little island of Porto Rico because it lay under 
the shadow of our own shores, and because its continued occupancy by 
Spain or by any foreign government would be a constant menace to the 
States and to that great inter-oceanic waterway which we shall build and 
own and operate as an American canal. (Applause.) We found it im 
poverished by years of colonial misgovernment and without any system 
of revenue laws. Soon after the peace its people were further stricken 
by flood and famine. We assumed towards them every obligation which 
sympathy and friendship could prompt. (Applause.) We contributed as 
a nation large sums of money to ameliorate their condition and to enable 
them to plant and garner their crops. Then we said to them, "we shall 
give you a just and equitable government, with power to manage your 
home affairs. Until you shall devise proper and efficient methods of reve 
nue and taxation, your needed funds shall be raised as follows: You shall 
pay upon your imports 15 per cent, of the present tariff rate governing 
importations into the United States, which means an average duty of 
about 7 per cent. All the necessaries of life and building materials for 
the structures you need shall be free. On the 1st day of March, 1902, 
all these duties shall cease in any event, and shall cease sooner if before 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 43 

that time you can arrange for the needed revenues of the island." (Ap 
plause.) 

The recommendations of the President were fully and satisfactorily com 
plied with; the people of the island are content, the vast mass of the 
American people approve, and we have avoided precedents that might vex 
us when we come to deal with the problems that finally await us in the 
establishment of our permanent relations towards the people of the Philip 
pine Islands. (Applause.) 

There has been much discussion during the past few months in respect 
to the extent of the power of this country to deal with Porto Rico and our 
other possessions, and it has been frequently contended by the Democracy 
that as soon as we became the owners of any of these islands the Con 
stitution cf the United States at once extended over them, or in the 
oratorical but misleading phrase, "The Constitution follows the Flag." 
The argument is specious, but it will not bear investigation. The same 
question was raised in 1803, at the time of the Louisiana Purchase, and 
the doctrine was then established by Congress that we could acquire for 
eign soil by purchase, that Congress had the right to establish there 
such government as it saw fit, and that the Constitution did not of its 
own force extend over such territory. The doctrine was never questioned 
until in Calhoun s time it was sought to be denied in the effort to extend 
human slavery into the territories. 

The Supreme Court of the United States has more than once determined 
the question, and the contention concerning it now by our opponents is 
not because anybody believes that the laws we have enacted for the gov 
ernment of the island are unjust, but in order to embarrass the adminis 
tration in dealing effectively with our new possessions. (Applause) 
The flag went to Mexico in 1848, the Constitution did not. The 
flag went to Cuba and was carried into Santiago, and is there yet. (Ap 
plause.) But our Constitution not only is not there, but we are busy 
encouraging Cuba to prepare a constitution of her own. When any por 
tion of our territory becomes a sovereign State, then is our Constitution 
its cornerstone. In the territory of the United States not included within 
State boundaries Congress alone determines the extent to which the pro 
visions of the Constitution extend. 

The circumstances associated with our possession of Cuba are new and 
unparalleled in the history of conquests. The cruelties practiced upon its 
people induced the war. Before we commenced hostile proceedings, how 
ever, and that the world might know that our hands were clean and that 
we were not animated by lust for territory, we solemnly disclaimed any 
disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control 
over the island except for its pacification, and asserted our determination, 
when that was accomplished, to leave the government and control of the 
island to its people. (Applause.) To this declaration we still rigorously 
adhere. (Applause.) 



44 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

When we took possession at the close of the war we found the condi 
tions existing in Cuba to be deplorable. Under the conservative and wise 
management of Generals Brooke and Wood vast improvements have been 
effected, and we have given the people the first good government they 
have ever known. We found its cities beds of pestilence. We have stamped 
out yellow fever and made Havana as healthy a city as exists at that lati 
tude. We took its starving reconcentrados who had survived the war, 
and its other poverty-stricken people, and fed and clothed them. We or 
ganized a public school system, and have everywhere established law and 
order. (Applause.) This had first to be done. Then followed a com 
pliance of the terms of the treaty which gave the Spanish inhabitants until 
April nth to determine whether or not they would register as citizens 
or preserve their allegiance to Spain. Meanwhile a careful census of the 
island was made. Then came the fixing of the qualifications for the right 
of suffrage, which were fairly bestowed. The island was divided into 
municipalities and the registration provided for. And on yesterday, the 
i8th of June, municipal elections were held all through the island, as the 
first and preliminary step towards the establishment of a national govern 
ment and the adoption of a constitution. (Applause.) 

And in this connection it is fitting to say that the peculations and frauds 
committed in Cuba by subordinate officials have made every American 
blush with shame, and until the last of the guilty men is arrested and 
convicted and sentenced that shame will know no abatement. (Applause.) 
It is no more to be charged to the party than would a theft by a trusted 
employee be charged against the character of the merchant who employed 
him. (Applause.) The party that shields and protects dishonest officials 
forfeits public confidence, not the part} that exposes and punishes them. 
(Applause.) The Republican party has been rarely the victim of misplaced 
confidence in its officials. In this instance the appointments were made 
with the greatest care, many of them from the classified service. When 
ever fraud has been discovered the guilty have been pursued unsparingly 
and with the greatest publicity. (Applause.) So has it been with these 
thieving Post Office officials; so has it been always. In the vast aggregate 
of business transacted by the Government the dishonest man is rare, and 
his detection certain. The great humiliation is that the thefts were from 
the people of an island towards whom we sustain a fiduciary relation, and 
whose confidence we ask. That this Government makes good the loss is 
not enough, and perhaps the lesson has not been in vain if it shall serve 
to stimulate us to even greater care in dealing with these people for whom 
we have poured out our blood and treasure, and whom we hope .some day 
to welcome on terms of closest friendship as citizens of a sister republic. 
(Applause.) 

We are dealing with Cuba in a spirit not only of fairness but of gen 
erosity and of absolute unselfishness, and whenever the inhabitants of that 
island evince and declare their ability to take over its government and 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 45 

control, that day they shall receive it; and until then we shall continue 
to administer its affairs under a rule salutary and satisfactory to all good 
citizens in Cuba, and creditable to the administration at Washington under 
whose orders the government is conducted. (Applause.) 

Had there been, fellow-citizens, no war with Spain this Republic, in 
clined by principle and instinct and tradition to peaceful ways, would have 
continued the development of our National resources and character within 
its existing borders, content in the future, as throughout the century just 
ending, with that path of National duty. We are not a warlike or a quar 
relsome people. We have never coveted the possessions of foreign prin 
cipalities, and land lust is unknown among us. We would fight to the 
death to protect that which is rightfully ours; to avenge a wrong sought 
to be perpetuated upon us, and to guard this hemisphere from any attempt 
by foreign powers to further extend their rule over its soil. (Applause.) 
This has been our creed, and we have looked forward with hope and 
confidence to the time when these United States, lying between the two 
oceans, should lead among the nations of the earth, not by right of the 
sword, but because the character and high intelligence of our people, and 
the marvelous resources of our country, would enable us, in the peaceful 
rivalry of commerce, to dominate eventually the markets of the world. 
(Applause.) To that end we had, for more than a hundred years, held 
ourselves aloof from foreign complications, and sought to make ourselves 
strong from within, with no thought of colonial conquest. 

The future of nations, however, like the future of man, is hid from 
mortal vision, and, no more than man may a nation choose its own duties. 
When this war ended and we faced our victory in all its completeness, we 
found eight million people, living upon uncounted islands, delivered into 
our hands. Abandonment of them would be confession that while the 
oppression by Spain of a million and a half of Cubans demanded our 
armed interference, greater barbarity and cruelty to millions of Filipinos, 
less able to protect themselves, was a subject of no concern to us. (Ap 
plause.) No civilized nation in the world, no Christian nation, could have 
turned these people back to Spain. Our Commissioners, when they in 
sisted upon our retention of the Philippines, voiced the sentiments and 
wishes of the American people; and this nation has assumed with open 
eyes and with full realization of the difficulties which may be encountered, 
the grave responsibilities imposed upon us by the Treaty of Paris. (Ap 
plause.) 

We are told that the islands are rich in all the products of the tropics, 
in mineral wealth, and in the possibilities of their future development. 
So much the better. But if they were as barren as the Libyan desert, 
we would have taken them just the same. (Applause.) 

We have not been there long, but long enough to reach two conclu 
sions: One is, that the first thing we intend doing is to suppress the Tagal 
insurrection and to establish law and order throughout the archipelago. 



46 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

(Applause.) That is the first thing we shall do. And the last, the very 
last thing we intend doing, is to consider, even for a moment, the question 
of giving up or of abandoning those islands. (Applause.) 

We are actually owners of the Philippines by an undisputed and in 
dubitable title. We are there as the necessary and logical outcome of our 
victory over Spain. There are upwards of a thousand islands sprinkled 
upon that Southern sea, peopled by more than eighty tribes of differing 
race and language, and having absolutely nothing in common with each 
other. Most of these tribes welcome our coming and are grateful for our pro 
tection. The Tagal tribe, hostile not only to us but to most of the native 
tribes, are in insurrection against our authority. They have neither a gov 
ernment nor the capacity to conduct one, and are waging a predatory 
guerilla warfare which would be turned against the other native tribes if 
we let them alone. What would the Democracy have us do? Give them 
up to rapine and bloodshed, and leave the islands as flotsam and jetsam 
on the face of the waters? 

There are parallels in our own history. For five millions of dollars, 
and other valuable considerations we purchased Florida from Spain in 
1821, when it had four thousand white settlers. The Seminoles, natives 
of the soil, brave, resolute, having far greater intelligence and character 
than the Tagals, disputed our possession. We sent Andrew Jackson down 
to fight them, and it took us twenty-one years to subdue them and send 
what was left of them west of the Mississippi. If the "Anti-everythings" 
had lived then, they would, I suppose, have urged us to turn over Florida 
to Osceola, the Aguinaldo of the Seminoles! (Laughter.) Would you, 
after the war with Mexico and the Gadsden purchase have given the great 
area south and west of the Arkansas to the red Apache? Not so did our 
fathers construe their duty, and as they built, so shall we their sons. (Ap 
plause.) 

The insurrection against our legitimate authority, which, for the time, 
impedes our efforts to establish a government for the Filipinos, involves 
us in a sacrifice of lives and of treasure. The difficulties we encounter 
in the island of Luzon are many, but the chief inspiration and encouragement 
of the Tagal insurrection come from the Democratic headquarters in the 
United States. (Applause.) Partisanship has proved stronger than pa 
triotism, even while our soldiers are being murdered by marauding ban 
dits, and if it were not for the hope held out to Aguinaldo by American 
sympathizers, the insurrection in the Philippines would long ago have 
ended. (Applause.) 

The obstacles to the establishment of a civil government in the islands 
are many, but we shall overcome them. (Applause.) Mistakes will un 
doubtedly be made, but we shall remedy them. We shall in time extend 
over that archipelago the aegis of our protection and of free government, 
and we shall gradually, but surely, lift these alien and savage races 
into the light of civilization and Christianity. (Applause.) Meanwhile, 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



(7 



American enterprise and ingenuity and push may be depended upon to 
develop the resources of the islands, and to make them an added source 
of wealth to our country. The wise statesmanship of the President and 
our able Secretary of State has already brought from the countries of 
Europe a recognition of our right to share in the vast commercial advan 
tages which will follow the opening of the Chinese Empire to foreign trade; 
the Nicaraguan Canal will be soon constructed; Hawaii, with its valuable 
harbor, is ours; we possess the best of the Samoan Islands, with its mag 
nificent roadway; the Philippines are almost at the door of China, and if 
counsels of fear do not prevail, this generation will see the American Na 
tion girdling half the globe with its flag, extending its foreign commerce 
to the uttermost parts of the earth, and taking its place among the great 
world-nations, a power for good, for peace, and for righteousness. (Ap 
plause.) 

Never since 1864, when the voters of the country were called upon to 
determine whether the efforts of Abraham Lincoln to preserve the Union 
should be continued or whether they should be abandoned and other meas 
ures attempted, have questions so vital been presented to the American 
people for settlement. Their decision must determine the maintenance 
or the degradation both of our National credit and our National honor. 
A Democratic President could paralyze the operation of the new currency 
law as effectively as if it were wiped from our statute books. A Democratic 
victory would infuse new life into the Tagal insurrection, cost us the lives 
of thousands of our gallant army in the Philippines, impair or destroy our 
prestige, if not our power, in the islands, make us a byword among the 
other great nations of the world, and obliterate our influence in the settle 
ment of the vital questions certain to arise when China shall be opened to 
foreign commerce. (Applause.) 

There is little room for fear. The farmer and the artisan in their day of 
prosperity still remember the impoverishment and blight of Democracy, 
and the Chicago platform has no allurements for them. (Applause.) Our 
National honor is equally secure. 

The American people are neither poltroons nor pessimists, and they will 
not signalize the dawn of the new century by the surrender of either con 
victions or territory. (Applause.) fEvery soldier back from the islands 
and they are in almost every hamlet in the land, returns an advocate of 
theif retention. Our dead are buried along the sands of Luzon, and on its 
soil no foreign flag shall ever salute the dawn. J (Applause.) 

Whatever may be in store for us in the new and unbeaten track upon 
which we are entering, we shall not be found "with the unlit lamp and the 
ungirt loin." (Applause.) Our way is new, but it is not dark. In the 
readjustment of world-conditions, where we must take our place with the 
other great nations of the earth, we shall move with caution, but not with 
fear. We seek only to lift up men to better things, to bless and not to 
destroy. (Applause.) The fathers of the Republic accepted with courage 



48 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

such responsibilities as devolved upon them. The same heavens bend over 
us, and the same Power that shielded them will guard and protect us, for 
what we seek is to build still more firmly, always upon foundations of 
probity and of virtue, the glorious edifice of the Republic. (Applause.) 

We stand at the dawn of the new century. Before it shall have reached 
its meridian the youngest here will have passed beyond this life or beyond 
the sphere of usefulness. New recruits will step into the ranks as we fall 
out. This very year thousands of young men will for the first time exer 
cise the right of citizenship and cast their ballots at the National election. 
The safety of this Republic must ever rest in the courage of young hearts 
and the vigor of a noble manhood." Youth is buoyant and hopeful. No 
snarling criticism, or gospel of a little America, or prophecy of despair, 
will find response from hearts that beat full and strong with courage and 
with faith, and whose creed it is that 

" God s in His heaven, 

All s right with the world." 

Whatever else in the past has suffered change or decay, the Republican 
party, which for forty years has been identified with everything ennobling 
and uplifting in our history, was never so vital, so virile, and so vigorous 
as to-day. (Applause.) And the heritage we shall transmit to the new 
century, to the coming generation and to their children, and to their 
children s children, shall be a record clean and untarnished, an unquench 
able faith in free institutions, an unalterable belief in the patriotism of the 
people, and an undying love of liberty and of country. (Applause.) 

TEMPORARY OFFICERS. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. By direction of the National Committee 
the chairman submits the following list of temporary officers: 

Secretary, Hon. Charles W. Johnson, of Minnesota. 

Assistant Secretaries: John R. Malloy, of Ohio; John R. Beam, of New 
Jersey; Lucien Gray, of Illinois; Gardner P. Stickney, of Wisconsin; James 
Francis Burke, of Pennsylvania; W. B. Bauchman, of Tennessee; Warren 
Bigler, of Indiana; John L. Royce, of Kansas; F. S. Gaylord, of Con 
necticut. 

Reading Clerks: Dennis E. Alward, Michigan; E. L. Lampson, Ohio; 
James H. Stone, Michigan. 

Clerk at Chairman s Desk, Asher C. Hinds, of Maine. 

Official Reporter, Milton W. Blumenberg, of Illinois. 

Tally Clerks, J. Herbert Potts, of New Jersey; George R. Butlin, of 
Nebraska. 

Messenger to Chairman, Griffin Halstead. 

Messenger to Secretary, Joseph W. Young. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 49 

Mr. W. S. TAYLOR, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman I move that the re 
commendations of the National Republican Committee in the matter of 
the selection of a Secretary, Assistant Secretaries, Official Reporter, Read 
ing Clerks, etc., be approved by the Convention. 

The motion was unanimously agreed to. 

RULES. 

Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman, I offer the reso 
lution \\hich I send to the desk. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York submits 
a resolution which will be read. 

The READING CLERK read as follows: 

Resolved, That until a permanent organization is effected, this convention be gov 
erned by the rules of the last Republican National Convention. 

The resolution was agreed to. 

COMMITTEES. 

Mr. WILLIAM J. SEWELL, of New Jersey. I offer the resolution I send 
to the desk. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Jersey offers a 
resolution, which will be read. 

The READING CLERK read as follows: 

Resolved, That the roll of States and Territories be now called, and that the Chair 
man of each delegation announce the names of the persons selected to serve on the 
several committees, as follows: Permanent Organization; Rules and Order of Bust- 
ness; Credentials; Resolutions. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the reso 
lution submitted by the gentleman from New Jersey. 

The resolution was agreed to. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. In addition to the announcement by the " 
chairman of each delegation, as provided by the resolution just adopted, 
each delegation is requested to send to the desk in writing the names of 
the persons selected to serve on the committees named in the resolution. 

The roll of States, etc., was called. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The committees as constituted will be an 
nounced. 

The READING CLERK read as follows: 
4 



50 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

HON. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, of Ohio, Chairman. 

Alabama JAMES T. PETERSON 

Arkansas FERDINAND HAVIS 

California R. D. ROBBINS 

Colorado D. B. FAIRLEY 

Connecticut J. DEMING PERKINS 

Delaware 

Florida W. H. LUCAS 

Georgia M. C. PARKER 

Idaho GEORGE A. ROBETHAN 

Illinois JOHN J. BROWN 

Indiana CHARLES L. JEWETT 

Iowa WILLIAM McFARLANE 

Kansas S. B. ROHRER 

Kentucky H. C. HOWARD 

Louisiana L. S. CLARKE 

Maine DANIEL A. KURD 

Maryland J. EDWIN WEBSTER 

Massachusetts EVERETT C. BENTON 

Michigan LESLIE B. ROBERTSON 

Minnesota E. A. WHITFORD 

Mississippi F. W. COLLINS 

Missouri JAMES E. BIRNEY 

Montana C. W. GOODALE 

Nebraska H. RAGATZ 

Nevada R. L. FULTON 

New Hampshire THOS. N. HASTINGS 

New Jersey WM. S. HANCOCK 

New York WM. C. WALLACE 

North Carolina H. C. COWLES 

North Dakota H. L. HOLMES 

Ohio CHARLES H. GROSVENOR 

Oregon MALCOLM A. MOODY 

Pennsylvania JOHN B. STEEL 

Rhode Island FRANK F. CARPENTER 

South Carolina R. M. WALLACE 

South Dakota GEORGE RICE 

Tennessee ERNEST COLDWELL 

Texas C. M. FERGUSON 

Utah HEBER M. WELLS 

Vermont W. H. H. SLACK 

Virginia V. M. SOWDER 

Washington H. S. CONNER 

West Virginia J. E. DANA 

Wisconsin H. A. LUEDKE 

Wyoming DEFOREST RICHARDS 

District of Columbia DR. J. E. JONES 

Alaska 

Arizona J. L. HUBBELL 

Indian Territory . E. J. FANNIN 

New Mexico A. ABEYTIA 

Oklahoma JOHN McNEAL 

Hawaii ., ...S. PARKER 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 51 

COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF BUSINESS. 

HON. HENRY H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania, Chairman. 

Alabama \V. F. AT.DRICH 

Arkansas JOHN McCLURE 

California N. D. RIDEOUT 

Colorado B. W. RITTER 

Connecticut CH AS. F. BROOKER 

Delaware 

Florida H. W. CHANDLER 

Georgia W. R. LEAKIN 

Idaho L. L. ORMSBY 

Illinois FREDERICK H. SMITH 

Indiana GEORGE P. HAYVVOOD 

Iowa J. C. MABRY 

Kansas J. R. BURROW 

Kentucky R. P. ERNST 

Louisiana B. F. O NEAL 

Maine GEORGE A. MINCHIE 

Maryland T. MATHEW BARTLETT 

Massachusetts SAMUEL W. McCALL 

Michigan WM. McPHERSON, JR. 

Minnesota H. F. BARKER 

Mississippi R. A. SIMMONS 

Missouri . . . ] CHARLES G. BURTON 

Montana TYLER WORDEN 

Nebraska EUGENE A. TUCKER 

Nevada W. W. WILLIAMS 

New York GEO. W. ALDRIDGE 

New Hampshire WM. C. CLARKE 

New Jersey FLAVEL McGEE 

North Carolina R. B. RUSSELL 

North Dakota 

Ohio B. L. MCELROY 

Oregon RUFUS S. MOORE 

Pennsylvania HENRY H. BINGHAM 

Rhode Island CHAS. N. CHILD 

South Carolina E. F. COCHRANE 

South Dakota M. P. BEEBE 

Tennessee JOHN E. McCALL 

Texas M. M. RODGERS 

Utah GEORGE M. HANSON 

Vermont G. W. RANDALL 

Virginia R. R. HORNER 

Washington F. J. HAYFIELD 

West Virginia M. J. SIMMS 

Wisconsin SAMUEL W. REESE 

Wyoming C. D. CLARK 

District of Columbia J. E. JONES 

Alaska WILLIAM GRANT 

Arizona J. A. VAIL 

Indian Territory C. L. LONG 

New Mexico J. SANTISTERAN 

Oklahoma J. W. McNEAL 

Hawaii A. N. KEPOIKOI 



52 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

HON. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York, Chairman. 

Alabama H. V. CASHIN 

Arkansas SID. B. REDDING 

California GEORGE W. REED 

Colorado JOHN GRASS 

Connecticut EDWIN MILNER 

Delaware 

Florida J. N. COMBS 

Georgia H. L. JOHNS ON 

Idaho J. F. A1LSHIE 

Illinois T. J. GOLDEN 

Indiana C. C. SHIRLEY 

Iowa M. J. TOBIN 

Kansas T. B. WALL 

Kentucky GEORGE DENNY 

Louisiana H. C. WARMOUTH 

Maine ALBERT M. SPEAR 

Maryland ENOCH B. ABELL 

Massachusetts JESSE M. GOVE 

Michigan RUSSELL C. OSTRANDER 

Minnesota A. J. GREER 

Mississippi WESLEY CRAYTON 

Missouri CHARLES L. MOWDER 

Montana JOHN F. FORBES 

Nebraska JOHN A. EHRHARDT 

Nevada M. C. McMlLLAN 

New Hampshire JOHN McLANE 

New Jersey BARKER GUMMERE 

New York SERENO E. PAYNE 

North Carolina E. C. DUNCAN 

North Dakota STEPHEN COLLINS 

Ohio CHARLES DICK 

Oregon WALLACE McCAMANT 

Pennsylvania A. S. L. SHIELDS 

Rhode Island RICHARD THORNLEY 

South Carolina J. H. FORDHAM 

South Dakota JAMES HALLEY 

Tennessee W. P. BROWNLOW 

Texas H. C. FERGUSON (HAWLEY by proxy) 

Utah ARTHUR BROWN 

Vermont EDWIN M. BROWN 

Virginia R. P. THORP 

Washington L. M. SIMS 

West Virginia MORRIS HORKHEIMER 

Wisconsin J. T. MURPHY 

Wyoming. , JAY L. TORREY 

District of Columbia W. C. CHASE 

Alaska W. D. GRANT 

Arizona FRANK DYSART 

Indian Territory C. M. CAMPBELL 

New Mexico F. A. HUBBELL 

Oklahoma J. C. PRINGEY 

Hawaii . . S. PARKER 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 

HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana, Chairman. 

Alabama J. W. DIMMICK 

Arkansas CHARLES N. RIX 

California CHESTER ROWELL 

Colorado C. C. CAVENDER 

Connecticut WILLIAM E. SEELEY 

Delaware 

Florida W. G. ROBINSON 

Georgia H. A. RUCKER 

Idaho W. B. HEYBURN 

Illinois MARTIN B. MADDEX 

Indiana CHAS. W. FAIRBANKS 

Iowa G. W. FRENCH 

Kansas M. A. LOWE 

Kentucky W. S. TAYLOR 

Louisiana E. KUNTZ 

Maine FRANKLIN C. PAYSON 

Maryland THOMAS C. NOYES 

Massachusetts WALTER CLIFFORD 

Michigan E. N. DINGLEY 

Minnesota CUSHMAN K. DAVIS 

Mississippi JOHN R. LYNCH 

Missouri DAVID P. DYER 

Montana THOMAS H. CARTER 

Nebraska EDWARD ROSEWATER 

Nevada OSCAR J. SMITH 

New Hampshire J. H. GALLINGER 

New Jersey FRED. P. OLCOTT 

New York LEMUEL E. QUIGG 

North Carolina CHARLES McNAMEE 

North Dakota P. J. McCUMBER 

Ohio JOSEPH B. FORAKER 

Oregon JOHN D. DALY 

Pennsylvania BOIES PENROSE 

Rhode Island CHAS. H. BRAYTON 

South Carolina E. J. DICKERSON 

South Dakota G. G. BENNETT 

Tennessee FOSTER V. BROWN 

Texas R. B. HAWLEY 

Utah GEORGE SUTHERLAND 

Vermont SEVANT M. REED 

Virginia S. BROWN ALLEN 

Washington J. M. ASHTON 

West Virginia E. H. FLYNN 

Wisconsin J. B. TREAT 

Wyoming F. W. MONDELL 

District of Columbia J. E. JONES 

Alaska J. G. HEID 

Arizona CHARLES H. AKERS 

Indian Territory A. F. PARKINSON 

New Mexico E. A. CAHOON 

Oklahoma J. R. TATE 

Hawaii.. A. N. KEPOIKOI 



54 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

MEETING OF COMMITTEES. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Immediately after the adjournment to-day 
the Committee on Resolutions will meet in the committee room in the rear 
of the stage of this hall; the Committee on Permanent Organization will 
meet in another room in the rear of the stage of this hall; the Committee 
on Rules and Order of Business will meet at the National Committee 
room, Hotel Walton; the Committee on Credentials will meet at the Na 
tional Committee room, Hotel Walton. 

Mr. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. I move that the Convention adjourn 
until 12 o clock meridian to-morrow. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Will the gentleman from Illinois withdraw 
his motion for a moment? 

Mr. CANNON, of Illinois. Certainly. 

PRAYER OF REV. EDGAR M. LEVY, D. D. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Chair desires to state to the Conven 
tion that there is upon the platform the Rev. Dr. Levy, who 44 years ago 
to-day offered prayer at the Republican National Convention. Tire Rev. Dr. 
Levy will now offer prayer. 

Rev. Edgar M. Levy, D. D., of Philadelphia, offered the following prayer: 

Almighty God, our Heavenly Father, how excellent is Thy name in all 
the earth. The whole world is full of Thy glory. Unto Thee do we lift 
our hearts in humility, love and praise. 

We give Thee most hearty thanks for our personal, social and national 
blessings. Thou hast cast our lines in pleasant places and given us a 
goodly heritage. Thou hast not dealt so with any other people. Because 
of Thy favor our land is even now smiling with fertility and beauty; our 
cities and towns are rilled with the hum of industry, and our country places 
with the songs of happy reapers. Thou hast given us wise rulers, brave 
defenders on land and sea, and just and equal laws by which every man 
may sit under his own vine and fig tree with none to molest or make 
afraid. 

We thank Thee for the coming together of this august assembly of repre 
sentative men from all parts of the nation, and for that great convention 
held in this city so long ago, and which first flung the banner of universal 
freedom to the breeze of Heaven. W T e praise Thee, O Lord God of Hosts, 
that this banner still waves unstained and undimmed, the proud reminder 
of past achievements, and the hope for all time to come. 

W T e thank Thee for our honored President; for his wisdom, discretion, 
manly courage and unblemished character. We beseech Thee that his life 
and health may be precious in Thy sight; and as Thou hast in Thy good 
ness given him to us, so, if it pleases Thee, let the years of his administra 
tion of our Government be prolonged. Bless, also, all associated with 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 55 

him in authority. May they ever be found on the side of justice, loving 
peace, but never counting even life itself too dear to sacrifice for the de 
fense and advancement of the nation s honor and welfare. 

Save us, O Righteous Father, from forgetfulness of Thee; from all pride 
and vainglory. Let not the profane, the self-seeking, or the promoters of 
strife and discontent rule over us, but only such as shall be a terror to evil 
doers and a praise to them that do well. Let our currency neither be 
impaired by inflation nor diminished by hoarding. Let the rich among us 
use their wealth in moderation, and as a benediction to others. Let the 
poor, by industry and temperance, become rich. Let there never be among 
us an aristocracy either of color, wealth or birth, but only of intelligence 
and goodness. Fill our land with truth and righteousness, with school- 
houses and temples of worship, with God-fearing men and virtuous women. 
Let the example of our free institutions enlighten and bless the whole earth. 

And now. we commend to Thee, O God, the deliberations of this Con 
vention, and all the issues thereof. Bless the presiding officers with all 
sufficiency of wisdom and strength, and preserve all the delegates from 
sickness, accident and death, and permit them to return to their homes, 
conscious of having discharged their duty to their God and country. 
And the glory shall be unto the Father and unto the Son and unto the 
Holy Spirit, as it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world 
without end. Amen. 

Mr. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. I renew my motion that the Con 
vention adjourn until 12 o clock, meridian, to-morrow. 

The motion was agreed to; and (at 3 o clock p. m.) the Convention 
adjourned until to-morrow, Wednesday, June 20, 1900, at 12 o clock, meri 
dian. 



THE SECOND DAY 

OPENING PRAYER RECEPTION TO SURVIVORS OF FIRST 
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1856 REPORT 
OF THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS REPORT OF THE 
COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION ADDRESS 
OF PERMANENT CHAIRMAN, SENATOR LODGE PRESEN 
TATION OF GAVELS, ETC. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE 
ON RULES-THE QUAY AMENDMENT REPORT OF THE 
COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS AND PLATFORM THE 
NEW NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 



CONVENTION HALL 

PHILADELPHIA, PENNA., June 20, 1900. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN (at 12.27 o clock P. M.). The Convention 
will come to order. The Rev. Dr. Charles M. Boswell, of Philadelphia, 
will open the day s proceedings with prayer. 

PRAYER OF REV. CHARLES M. BOSWELL, D. D. 

Rev. Charles M. Boswell, D. D., of Philadelphia, offered the following 
prayer: 

Our Heavenly Father, we come to Thee as the creator of men and the 
upholder of governments. Our fathers trusted in Thee and were helped, 
and where they led may we gladly and boldly follow. We thank Thee 
for the land in which we live, for its beloved ruler, the prosperity of its 
people and the victories of its army and navy. May these be abundantly 
continued. 

We bless Thee for having brave and wise men in charge of our execu 
tive, legislative and judicial affairs in trying times. May it always be so 
with America. 

We praise Thee for these men who have left their occupations and homes 
to transact business for their country by attending this Convention. May 
Thy special favor rest upon them. Guide them in their deliberations, plat 
form and candidates, and may these be such as shall be approved by the 
people, and may they continue to keep our dear old country, whose flag 
we love to-day better than ever before, in the lead among those respected 
for righteousness, liberty and humanity. 

56 




HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts^ 

Permanent Chairman of the Convention, and Chairman of the Committee to 
Notify the Candidate for President. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 57 

Give these delegates and their friends a healthful and pleasant stay among 
us and preserve their loved ones from harm while they are absent from 
them. Specially remember those who bear arms for us in distant lands, 
and hasten the day when all wars shall cease, and Thine shall be the honor 
and glory forever. Amen. 

SURVIVORS OF FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, there are 
present here to-day a body of survivors of the first Republican Convention 
held in Pittsburg and Philadelphia forty-four years ago. They bring with 
them the same old flag that was then used in the Convention, and with 
your permission I will ask them to step to the front of the stage, and then 
will have read some resolutions which have been prepared. (Applause.) 

At that moment a file of white-haired patriarchs appeared from the rear, 
bearing a faded American flag, tattered and barely held together by a cross 
staff. As the flag appeared the entire audience rose, and a deafening salute 
went up for the faded standard and its venerable upholders. The white- 
haired men ranged themselves side by side, looking out on the sea of faces. 
Alongside the flag another standard bore the inscription 



NATIONAL FREMONT ASSOCIATION, 

REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
ORGANIZED FEBRUARY 220, 1856, 
AT PITTSBURG, PENN. 



When the applause had subsided the leader of the delegation presented 
resolutions, declaring their unwavering allegiance to the party they had 
helped to bring forth. 
Those who were thus presented to the convention were the following: 

General JOSEPH R. HAWLEY, Connecticut. 

S. WOODARD, Illinois. 

GEORGE SCHNEIDER, Illinois. 

JACOB FUSSELL, Maryland. 

D. F. APPLETON, New York. 

Judge RUSH R. SLOANE, Ohio. 

General B. D. BRINKERHOFF, Ohio. 

JOHN JACOBS, Pennsylvania. 

WALTER LAING, Pennsylvania. 

G. W. HOLSTEIN, M. D., Pennsylvania. 

EDGAR M. LEVY, D.D., Pennsylvania. 

JACOB WYAND, Pennsylvania. 

GEORGE H. BELL, Rhode Island. 



58 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read the resolutions adopted 
by the survivors of the first Republican Convention. 

The READING CLERK read as follows: 

NATIONAL FREMONT ASSOCIATION. 

PITTSBURG, PA., JUNE 16, 1900. 
To the Republican Party 

in National Convention assembled in Philadelphia, 
June igth, 1900. 

In response to the invitation extended to us by the Hon. Marcus A. Hanna, Chair 
man of your National Committee, to be present at your convention as honorary members: 
We, the survivors of the original Republican Convention held in Pittsburg, Feb. 
22d, 1856, regret exceedingly the inability of many of said members to accept your kind 
invitation, owing to advanced age. At a meeting of the National Fremont Association 
held in Pittsburg, June i6th, 1900, it was resolved that Major R. H. Long, Secretary, 
and J. K. Conner, be instructed to represent us in your distinguished assembly. Hav 
ing remained faithful to its principles for forty-four years, we shall continue the same 
unto the end, heartily endorsing the administration of William McKinley, which gives 
us such unbounded prosperity. 

Yours respectfully, 

GILBERT FOLLANSBEE, Chairman. 

R. H. LONG, Secretary. 

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The first business in order is the report 
of the Committee on Credentials. Is the Committee ready to report? 

Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of 
the Convention: I will read the report of the Committee on Credentials: 

"Your Committee on Credentials beg leave to submit the following report in the 
matter of the seating of contested delegates: 

"They met immediately after the adjournment of the session of the convention on 
Tuesday, the igth, and organized by the selection of the officers of the committee. 
Since that time they have been in continuous session until the roll of membership was 
completed. Your committee reports its action in the cases before it with its recommen 
dations. 

"As to the contests in the 4th and 7th districts of Alabama, the 4th and 8th districts 
of Georgia, the delegates at large and the ist, 2d, 3d and 4th districts of Louisiana; 
the delegates at large, and the 6th and gth districts of Tennessee; the delegates at large 
and the ist, $th, 7th and 9th districts of Texas; the zd Virginia and the District of 
Columbia, the action of the National Committee in the matter of making a temporary 
roll it is recommended shall be the action of the convention. Action was also taken 
by the Committee in the following cases, and your committee recommend that the 
permanent roll as to these shall be as follows: 



STATE OF ALABAMA, AT LARGE. 
Delegates. Alternates. 

B. W. Walker Montgomery Nathan Alexander Montgomery 

C. W. Buckley Montgomery G. W. Lovejoy Mobile 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 59 

THIRD DISTRICT OF ALABAMA. 

W. W. Milliken Dothan S. M. Murphy Eufaula 

Moses W. Garden Opelika Aaron T. Timothy Union Springs 

FIFTH ALABAMA. 

J. L. Davis Lafayette L. W. Whitaker Rockford 

Hugh A. Carson Haynesville J. W. Ferryman Dadeville 

STATE OF DELAWARE, AT LARGE. 

J. Edward Addicks Claymont Webster Blakeley Henry Clay 

W. B. Clerk Wilmington Thomas E. Postles Wilmington 

James Franck Alice Dover D. S. Clark Kenton 

C. R. Layton Georgetown Newell Ball Bridgeville 

H. M. Burton Lewes C. M. Davis Laurel 

A. B. Conner Felton Theodore Townsend Milford 

FIFTH LOUISIANA DISTRICT. 

W. W. Johnson Omega George W. Stewart Omega 

John W. Cooke Lake Providence J. B. Robinson Lake Providence 

FOURTH TEXAS DISTRICT. 

J. A. Blackwell. B. C. Browning. 

H. G. Goree. H. W. Walker. 

SIXTH TEXAS DISTRICT. 

Eugene Marshall. G. W. McCormick. 

W. E. King. G. W. Lanier. 

"A copy of the Roll of Delegates and Alternates as adopted by this committee is 
herewith submitted. 

Respectfully submitted, 

SERENO E. PAYXS. Chairman." 



ROLL OF DELEGATES 

The roll of delegates and alternates above referred to is as follows: 
CORRECTED ROLL OF DELEGATES AND ALTERNATES TO 
THE TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 
AS PRESENTED BY THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

ALABAMA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

B. W. Walker Montgomery Nathan Alexander Montgomery 

C. W. Buckley Montgomery G. W. Lovejoy Mobile 

DISTRICTS. 

i P. D. Barker Mobile A. N. McEwen Mobile 

James Peterson Mobile E. H. Threep Demopolis 

2 J. W. Dimmick Montgomery L. J. Bryan Montgomery 

Percy W. Morris Daphne D. B. Pryor Troy 

3 W. W. Milliken Dothan S. M. Murphy Eufaula 

Moses W. Garden Opelika Aaron T. Timothy Union Springs 



60 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



ALABAMA Continued. 



Delegates. 



Alternates. 



DISTRICTS. 



4 _Wm. F. Aldrich Aldrich 

Charles W. Smith Selma 

5 J. L. Davis Lafayette 

Hugh A. Carson Haynesville 

6 P. M. Long Cordova 

Thomas B. Morton Fayette 

7 Frank H. Lathrop Riverside 

John T. Ezzell Russelville 

8 H. V. Cashin Huntsville 

Fred. Arn Scottsboro 

9 J. W. Hughes Birmingham 

Ad. Wimbs Greensboro 



L. T. Smith Anniston 

Lytton Green Anniston 

L. W. Whitaker Rockford 

J. W. Ferryman Dadeville 

S. L. Whatley Tuscaloosa 

W. H. Chapman Eutaw 

C. E. Sneed Eoaz 

R. B. Thompson Cullman 

Felix McWilliams Elkmont 

S. P. Merrill Florence 

G. G. Walker Perry 

H. D. Davidson .. Bibb 



ARKANSAS. 

AT LARGE. 

John McClure Little Rock Chas. H. Newell Fordyce 

Charles N. Rix Hot Springs Patrick Raleigh Little Rock 

Ferd Havis Pine Bluff R. C. Thompson Pine Bluff 

S. A. Duke Baxter T. J. Sharum Walnut Ridge 



DISTRICTS. 



i_j. w. Grubbs New Port 

E. C. Morris Helena 

2 Charles D. Greaves Hot Springs 

Oscar M. Spellman Pine Bluff 

3 Floyd Thompson Texarkana 

Henry Thane Arkansas City 

4 Sid. B. Redding Little Rock 

J. P. Robinson Little Rock 

5 Charles M. Greene Harrison 

J. F. Henley Marshall 

6-J. M. McClintock Devall Bluff 

G. W. Chase Yellville 



W. W. Harrison Ebony 

J. H. Blount "Forrest City 

W. W. Bailey Ft. Smith 

S. W. Dawson Fairfield 

J. C. Russell Camden 

M. M. Murray New Lewisville 

M. H. Johnson Little Rock 

John W. White .. Russelville 

J. M. Jernigan Green Forest 

J. F. Mayes Fayetteville 

W. N. Carpenter DeWitt 

H. H. Cole .. ...Beebe 



CALIFORNIA. 

AT LARGE. 

U. S. Grant San Diego H. G. W. Dinklcspiel San Francisco 

George C. Pardee Oakland E. S. Babcock San Diego 

George A. Knight San Francisco A. Bouvier San Francisco 

N. D. Rideout Marysville W. R. Porter Watsonville 



DISTRICTS. 



i Douglas S. Cone Red Bluff 

John L. Childs Crescent City 

2 E. C. Hart Sacramento 

Harold T. Power Michigan Bluff 

3 George W. Reed Oakland 

R. D. Robbins Suisun 

4 Joseph S. Spear San Francisco 

Moses A Gunst San Francisco 

5 W. C. Van Fleet San Francisco 

H. G. Bond Santa Clara 

6 William M. Garland Los Angeles 

Andrew J. Bell Ventura 

7 Chester Rowell Fresno 

William S. Hooper San Bernardino 



J. N. Roberts Potter Valley 

J. H. Steves St. Helena 

J. W. Wilson Sacramento 

E. C. Voorheis Sutter Creek 

A. P. Leach Oakland 

A. A. Thayer Colusa 

A. Ruef San Francisco 

Henry P. Sonntag San Francisco 

G. M. Bowman San Jose 

Edward D. Peixotto San Francisco 

E. Henderson Pomona 

Warren M. Johns San Luis Obispo 

C, E. Arnold Bakersfield 

J. L. Paul Ontario 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 61 

COLORADO. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

Edward O. Wolcott Denver Harry E. Churchill Greeley 

David H. Moffat Denver Earl B. Coe Denver 

Winfield S. Stratton Colorado Springs Crawford Hill Denver 

D. R. C. Brown Aspen B. W. Ritter Durango 

DISTRICTS. 

I Charles C. Cavender Leadville William K. Burchinell Denver 

John B. Thompson Longmont Thomas H. Davy Ft. Collins 

2 D. B. Fairley Colorado Springs Richard P. Chinn Dumont 

John Grass Trinidad George R. Hurlburt Ouray 

CONNECTICUT. 

AT LARGE. 

Linus B. Plimpton Hartford Win. C. Cheney South Manchester 

Charles F. Brooker Ansonia Samuel P. Calef Middletown 

Edwin Milner Plainfield Frank B. Brandegee New London 

J. Deming Perkins Litchfield R. Jay Walsh Greenwich 

DISTRICTS. 
i Andrew J. Sloper New Britain Isadore Wise Hartford 

Francis G. Maxwell Rockville Edward E. Fuller Tolland 

2 William F. Rockwell Meriden Frederick E. Gaylord Ansonia 

Mathewson W. Potter Deep River J. B. Holman Old Saybrook 

3 Frederick Farnsworth New London F. H. Hinkley Mystic 

George A. Hammond Putnam Charles N. Daniels Willimantic 

4 Henry H. Bridgman Norfolk R. J. Plumb Plymouth 

William E. Seeley Bridgeport John R. Hill Danbury 

DELAWARE. 

AT LARGE. 

J. Edward Addicks Claymont Webster Blakeley Henry Clay 

W, B. Clerk Wilmington Thomas E. Postles Wilmington 

James Franck Alice Dover D. S. Clark Kenton 

C. R. Layton Georgetown Newell Ball Bridgeville 

H. M. Burton Lewes C. M. Davis Laurel 

A. B. Conner .. ...Felton Theodore Townsend Milford 



FLORIDA. 

AT LARGE. 

Joseph E. Lee Jacksonville W. H. Lucas Jacksonville 

John G. Long St. Augustine S. H. Hadley Lake City 

Henry S. Chubb Winter Park R. L. Scarlett Orange Hill 

Mark S. White Pensacola A. Purdee Marianna 

DISTRICTS. 

i Tames N. Coombs Apalachicola M. A. Trapp Quincy 

John F. Horr Jacksonville G. W. Raiford Pensacola 

2 Walter G. Robinson Gainesville James Atkinson De Land 

Henry W. Chandler Ocala P. N. Richardson Fernandina 



62 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

GEORGIA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

W. H. Johnson Columbus Alex. Akerman Dublin 

H. A. Rucker Atlanta L. M. Pleasant Savannah 

J. W. Lyons Augusta A. Graves Atlanta 

H. L. Johnson Atlanta T. M. Dent Rome 

DISTRICTS. 

i John H. Deveaux Savannah S. O. Cherry Waynesborough 

W. R. Leaken Savannah S. B. Morse Savannah 

2 W. H. Satterwhite Albany S. S. Broadnax Thomasville 

James L. Reddick Dawson E. B. Brown Tifton 

3 M. G. Hall Cordele C. H. Moore Jeffersonville 

J. T. Noble Perry P. C. Cooley Hawkinsville 

4 E. N. Clemence Columbus H. A. Poer Hamilton 

Samuel Loveloy Bullochville J. B. Richardson Hogansville 

5 E. F. Blodgett Atlanta L. L. Lee Atlanta 

C. C. Wimbish Atlanta N. H. Sims Conyers 

6 R. D. Locke Macon J. A. Smith Forsythe 

I. W. Wood Forsythe W. E. Harp Jackson 

7 J. J. Hamilton Rome D. C. Cole Marietta 

M. C. Parker Rome J. W. Leigh Etna 

8 W. A. Pledger Athens E. W. Howell Eatonton 

M. B. Morton Athens W. M. Matthews Lexington 

9 J. R. Allen Talking Rock C. E. Williams Winder 

H. D. Ingersoll Dahlonega M. C. Wilcox Mt. Airy 

10 A. E. Williams Gordon John T. White Augusta 

P. H. Craig Augusta A. G. Floyd Sandersville 

ii W. H. Matthews Brunswick J. M. Milton Waycross 

Clark Grier Dublin S. S. Mincey Ailey 

IDAHO. 

George L. Shoup Boise City H. B. Eastman Boise City 

W. B. Heyburn Osborn D. H. Budlong Coeur d Alene City 

J. F. Ailshie Grangeville Mrs. J. B. West Lewiston 

L. L. Ormsby Boise City Lewis Hall W r eiser 

Frank R. Gooding Shoshone F. C. Bradley Hailey 

George A. Robethan Pocatello D. W. Church Pocatello 

ILLINOIS. 

AT LARGE. 

Joseph G. Cannon Danville C. H. Castle Adair 

John J. Brown Vandalia H. W. Jameson Chicago 

John M. Smyth Chicago Norman H. Moss Mt. Vernon 

H. D. Judson Aurora Maurice Rosenfield Chicago 

DISTRICTS. 
i Martin B. Madden Chicago Nicholas Birkhoff Chicago 

Henry G. Foreman Chicago A. L. Williams Chicago 

2 William Lorimer Chicago D. M. Ball Norwood Park 

Charles S. Deneen Chicago E. B. Bliss Riverside 

3 Frank O. Lowden Chicago Wm. J. Cook Chicago 

E. J. Magerstadt Chicago Hestor Duranti Chicago 

4 Christopher Mamer Chicago John Dwyer Chicago 

D. W. Clark Chicago James J. Banks Chicago 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



I LLI N O I S Continued. 



Delegates. 



Alternates. 



DISTRICTS. 



5 Louis D. Sitts Chicago 

Ephram Banning Chicago 

6 Graeme Stewart Chicago 

Bernard E. Sunny Chicago 

7 David S. McMullen Evanston 

Fred L. Wilk Chicago 

8 Isaac L. Ellwood De Kalb 

John Stewart Elburn 

9 L. W. Mitchell Dixon 

John M. Rhinewalt Mt. Carroll 

10 F. C. Rice Galesburg 

Charles H. Deere Moline 

ii John C. Ames Streator 

Con. Brown Wyanet 

12 John Lambert Joliet 

Hamilton K. Wheeler Kankakee 

13 J. H. Rowell Bloomington 

J. P. Middlecoff Paxton 

14 Frederick H. Smith Peoria 

U. W. Wilson Minonk 

is W, S. WarfieM . Quincy 

EveTe^rE. Hardin Monmouth 

16 J. G. Pope Greenfield 

Charles A. E. Martin Virginia 

17 Loren C. Wheeler Springfield 

W. C. Johns Decatur 

18 George W. Hewett Alton 

W. G. Cochran Sullivan 

lo-T. J. Golden Marshall 

T. A. Fritchie Olney 

20 Orlando Burrell Carmi 

L. L. Emerson Mt. Vernon 

21 Charles Becker Belleville 

Julius Huegely Nashville 

22 P. T. Chapman Vienna 

Thomas John, Jr Murphysboro 



Winfield S. McCoy Chicago 

James S. Burke Chicago 

F. A. Haggerty Chicago 

Charles Probst Chicago 

W. M. McEwen Chicago 

Geo. W. Turner Ft. Sheridan 

John R. Marshall Yorkville 

W. W. Sherwin Elgin 

Richard Barrett Galena 

M. E. Schryver Polo 

B. F. Knox Rock Island 

Samuel White Lafayette 

A. J. Boydon Sheffield 

J. W. Wilcox Minonk 

Chas. A. Noble Joliet 

P. E. Larson ...Watseka 

T. H. McCartney Monticello 

Thomas Lyons Arcola 

D. C. White Mason 

L. H. Durley Putnam 

Rans Cooper Oquawka 

Geo. Curry Mt. Sterling 

W. H. Stewart Carlinville 

J. R. Robertson Jacksonville 

E. C. Perkins Lincoln 

J. C. McQuigg Pana 

Geo. R. Copper Hillsboro 

P. M. Johnston St. Elmo 

R. S. Dyas Paris 

H. G. Vanzandt Montrose 

Anthony Spaeth Mt. Carmel 

Thomas S. Williams Louisville 

R. C. Aderly Chester 

Henry H. Anderson Du Quain 

O. J. Page Metropolis 

Chas. L. Rice Mound City 



INDIANA. 

AT LARGE. 

Charles W. Fairbanks Indianapolis Nathan Powell 



A. J. Beveridge Indianapolis 

James A. Mount Indianapolis 

Charles S. Hernley Indianapolis 



Madison 

Wm. Amsden Marion 

Thomas H. Adams Vincennes 

Gurley Brewer Indianapolis 



DISTRICTS. 



i Walter M. Schmitt Evansville 

Sylvester Thompson Petersburg 

2 Job Freeman Linton 

Albert H. Davis Bedford 

3 Charles L. Jewett New Albany 

Eugene Cummings Cannelton 

4 Arthur Overstreet Columbus 

William P. Masters Seymour 

5 Quincy A. Blankenship Martinsville 



Elder Cooper Evansville 

S. C. Dickson Mt. Vernon 

John B. Loyd Shoals 

Wm. S. Mead Spencer 

A. L. Fisher Scottsburg 

Jas. R. Pro English 

John P. Thompon Greensburg 

Wm. Wingate Batesville 

Frank J. Singleton Martinsville 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



INDIANA Continued. 



Delegates. 



Alternates. 



DISTRICTS. 



George M. Allen Terre Haute 

6 Charles F. Jones Brookville 

Joshua Davis Liberty 

7 Harry B. Gates Indianapolis 

Robert Metzger Indianapolis 

8 Charles Kimbrough Muncie 

Grant Lupton Hartford City 

9 James L. Allen Covington 

William Craig Noblesville 

10 George P. Hay wood Lafayette 

Murray A. Turner Hammond 

ii C. C. Shirley Kokomo 

Will H. Hart Huntington 

12 Albert C. Robins Auburn 

Charles Nichols Lima 

13 John D. Widaman Warsaw 

Rome C. Stephenson Rochester 



Otto C. Carr Terre Haute 

Benj. F. Koons New Castle 

Chas. K. Bruner Greenfield 

Wm. Kothe Indianapolis 

Lew. W. Cooper Indianapolis 

Frank Braden Portland 

Cassius M. Greenlee Elkwood 

Geo. T. Dinwiddie Frankfort 

W. H. Marker Tipton 

Wm. B. Austin Rensselear 

Warren T. McCray Kentland 

A. C. Alexander Marion 

Ed. Bridges Wabash 

John F. Criswell Churubusco 

Harry K. Scott Angola 

Wm. Hendricks Plymouth 

Saml. I. Brown .. Winamac 



IOWA. 

AT LARGE. 



Leslie M. Shaw Denison 

Lafayette Young Des Moines 

George W. French Davenport 

J. H. Smith Cedar Rapids 



Chas. M. Junkin Fairfield 

F. M. Epperson Eddyville 

E. G. Penrose Tama 

T. E. Purcell Hampton 



DISTRICTS. 



i J. Elerick Keosauqua 

Warren Beckwith Mt. Pleasant 

2 J. N. W. Rumple Marengo 

W. L. Roach Muscatine 

3 C. E. Allbrook Eldora 

C. R. Ransier Independence 

4 E. O. Worder Floyd 

J. J. Marsh Eldora 

5 M. J. Tobin Vinton 

E. M. Sargent Grundy Center 

6 C. M. Hinsdale Newton 

John A. Dunn Bloomfield 

7 W. O. Payne Nevada 

H. C. Schamel Dallas Center 

8 William Eaton Sidney 

J. C. Mabry Centerville 

9 John A. Storey Greenfield 

Asmus Boysen Gray 

10 J. E. Allen Laurens 

J. L. Stevens Boone 

1 1 William McFarlane Blencoe 

W 7 . H. Lyon, Jr Peterson 



A. B. Anderson Washington 

J. B. Morrison Ft. Madison 

W. F. Main Iowa City 

David Brant Clinton 

H. L. Rann Manchester 

F. J. Will Eagle Grove 

B. W. Newberry Strawberry Point 

A. H. Gale Mason City 

E. C. McMillan Marshalltown 

T. R. Ercanbrack Anamosa 

George H. Woodson Oskaloosa 

Ed. A. Canning Albia 

R. N. Hyde Des Moines 

J. R. Thompson Earlham 

W. S. Richards Osceola 

J. S. Clark Prescott 

W. W. Ellis Villisca 

C. R. Benedict Shelby 

D. J. Townsend Lohrville 

Wm. Anderson Webster City 

B. T. French Hawarden 

Fred. Morton Sibley 



KANSAS. 

AT LARGE. 



M, A. Low Topeka 

B. H. Tracy Topeka 

E. W. Wellington Ellsworth 



A. D. Walker -. .Holton 

J. J. Mitchell Eskridge 

Frank Strain Phillipsburg 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

KAN S AS Con tin ued. 

AT LARGE. 



65 



Delegates. 



Alternates. 



Frank L. Martin ............... Hutchinson 

\V. S. Metcalf ..................... Lawrence 

F. A. DuBois ...................... Howard 



G. W. Nimocks ................. Great Bend 

George Ford ...................... Ft. Scott 

O. F. Lewis .......................... Hepler 



i R. M. Emery Seneca 

Jno. Seaton Atchison 

2 \Y. G. Holt Kansas City 

Grant Hornadny Ft. Scott 

3 R. N. Allen Chanute 

J. T. Bradley Sedan 

4 S. B. Rohrer Le Roy 

Frank Hunsicker Osage City 

5 J. R. Burton Abilene 

\Y. \V. Caldwell Concordia 

6 J. R. Burrows Smith Center 

D. J. Hanna Hill City 

7 T. B. Wall Wichita 

H. F. Millikan .. ...Santa Fe 



F. W. Willard Leavenworth 

Melville H. Soper Hiawatha 

J. H. Ransom Ottawa 

IT. F. Blaker Mount City 

W. H. Upton Arkansas City 

P. P. Campbell Pittsburg 

T. M. Potter Peabody 

G. Nagle Eureka 

S. T. Yoder Washington 

W. D. Houston Ottawa 

R. R. Hayes Osborne 

W. H. Mitchell Beloit 

A. Sabine Garden City 

Wm. Dixon St. John 



KENTUCKY. 

AT LARGE. 



AV. S. Taylor Frankfort 

W. O. Bradley Lancaster 

George Denny Lexington 

W. A. Gaines Covington 



John R. Kelday Louisville 

W. T. Morrow Sheperdsville 

James A. \Vallace Irvine 

Charles R. Logan Grayson 



DISTRICTS. 



i John C. Gates Princeton 

W. H. McRidley Cadiz 

2 E. T. Franks Owensboro 

W. P. Ross Madisonville 

3 E. U. Fordyce Bowling Green 

Jefferson Vallandingham . .Russelville 
4 M. L. Heavrin Hartford 

George W. Long Litchfield 

5 Charles E. Sapp Louisville 

T. H. Baker Louisville 

6 Richard P. Ernst Covington 

Frank S. McMillin Palmouth 

7 R. P. Stoll Lexington 

H. C. Howard Paris 

8 Daniel R. Collier Lancaster 

Thomas J. Ballard Lawrenceburg 

9 George W. Armstrong Grayson 

Horace J. Cochran Maysville 

jo John W. Langly Prestonburg 

James M. Owens Tulip 

ii James A. Coleman Somerset 

John B. Hurst Harlan 

5 



D. C. Tackett Wickliffe 

J. T. Stephens Hickman 

H. S. Smith Hopkinsville 

D. \V. Thornberry Pool 

George L. Barnes Frankfort 

William W. Wilson Bowling Green 

John R. Eskridge Hardinsburg 

John B. Weller Bardstown 

R. I. James Louisville 

Alf. W. Davis Louisville 

Benedict S. Landram Warsaw 

Henry C. Morgan Cordovia 

W. E. Foster Owensten 

Charles E. Nason Frankfort 

Jesse B. Kincheloe Taylorsville 

John T. Ballard Shelbyville 

A. M. Earle Berry 

William Riffe Louisa 

Thomas S. Kirk Paintsville 

James Eversole Jackson 

D. C. Edwards London 

T. S. Scott ., ...Burksville 



66 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

LOUISIANA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

Henry C. Warmouth New Orleans Wm. E. Ramsey Lake Charles 

Lewis S. Clark St. Marys Edward Godchaux New Orleans 

Thomas J. Woodward New Orleans Wm. E. Howell Thibodaux 

Joseph E. Le Blanc New Of leans Chas. A. Bourgeois Hahnville 

DISTRICTS. 

I WalterL. Cohen New Orleans Octave Ray New Orleans 

Charles W. Boothby New Orleans W. J. Moore New Orleans 

2 Emile Kuntz New Orleans Eugene F. R. Augustus New Orleans 

Ernest Duconge New Orleans Wm. H. Williams New Orleans 

3 Julius Godchaux New Orleans Gus. A. Breux Lafayette 

William J. Behan White Castle A. Deuperrier Iberia 

4 B. F. O Neal Benton I. H. Bell Shreveport 

F. M. Welsh Alexandria S. H. Ralph , Alexandria 

5 W. A. Johnson Omega George W. Stewart Omega 

John W. Cook Lake Providence J. B. Robinson Lake Providence 

6-L. J. Souer Mandeville Geo. J. Reilley Clinton 

B. V. Baranco Baton Rouge Henry Erlich Bayou Chicot 

MAINE. 

AT LARGE. 

Sidney M. Bird Rockland Harry B. Austin Phillips 

Joseph H. Manley Augusta Benjamin S. Higgins Eden 

George W. Norton Portland Emery Andrews Kennebunk 

George A. Murchie Calais Flavius O. Beal Bangor 

DISTRICTS. 

i Franklin C. Payson Portland Woodbury K. Dana Westbrook 

Daniel A. Hurd North Berwick Charles W. Smith Waterboro 

2 Waldo Pettingill Rumford Falls Edwin Riley Livermore Falls 

Henry B. Estes Lewistoa L. X. Campbell Rockland 

3 Albert M. Spear Gardiner R. G. Henderson Madison 

Albert Pierce Frankfort Henry W. Sargent Sedgwick 

4 Frederick H. Parkhurst Bangor Atwood W. Spaulding Caribou 

Wainwright Gushing Foxcrof t Frank L. Shaw Machias 

MARYLAND. 

AT LARGE. 

Louis E. McComas Hagerstown Geo. D. Day Glenelg 

Sydney E. Mudd Laplata Reese Pitcher Baltimore 

William E. Malster Baltimore H. S. Cummings Baltimore 

Phillips L. Goldsborough Cambridge D. W. Young Annapolis 

DISTRICTS. 

i Thomas M. Bartlett Easton Thomas N. Conway Berlin 

B. Frank Lankford Princess Ann Marion A. Humphreys Salisbury 

2 George E. Baughman Westminster P. Leslie Hopper Havre de Grace 

J. Edwin Webster Belair Chas. M. Short Baltimore 

3 George R. Heffner Baltimore Levi A. Thompson Baltimore 

William F. Airey Baltimore William Griffith Baltimore 

4 S. T. Addison Baltimore B. L. Turner Baltimore 

J. T. Bradford Baltimore C. E. West Baltimore 

5 Enoch B. Able James A. Caulk Baltimore 

W. G. Frick James Mars Elkridge Landing 

6 Thomas C. Noyes Rockville Harry T. Mullin Cumberland 

D. C. Winebrenner Frederick Abraham C. Strite Hagerstown 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



67 



MASSACHUSETTS. 

Delegates. Alternates. . # , 

AT LARGE. >J 

Henry C. Lodge Nahant George R. Jewett Salem 

Samuel W. McCall Winchester Henry P. Field Northampton 

William B. Plunkett Adams Samuel E. Courtney Boston 

Walter Clifford New Bedford Alfred E. Rose ...Lowell 



DISTRICTS. 



i Francis W. Rockwell Pittsfield 

Dana Malone Greenfield 

2 Henry M. Phillips Springfield 

Richard W. Irwin Northampton 

3 Matthew J. \Vhittall Worcester 

George R. Marble Webster 

4 Arthur H. Lowe Fitchburg 

Charles C. Bancroft Natick 

5 Arthur G. Pollard Lowell 

E. Frank Lewis Lawrence 

6 Joseph N. Peterson Salem 

Walter B. Hopkinson Newburyport 

; Alfred E. Cox Maiden 

George N. Swallow Boston 

8 Stillman F. Kelley Cambridge 

Franklin E. Huntress Somerville 

9 Jesse M. Gove Boston 

William W. Campbell ....Boston 

10 John Shaw Quincy 

John H. Colby Boston 

ii Everett C. Benton Belmont 

M. J. Murray Boston 

12 George E. Keith Brockton 

Alfred B. Williams Taunton 

13 Hugo A. Dubuque Fall River 

Chester Snow Harwich 



C. S. Shattuck Hatfield 

Nathan B. Wood North Adams 

Norman P. Wood Northfield 

Almond Smith Athol 

John E. Lancaster Worcester 

Silas E. Wheelock Uxbridge 

W. H. Chase Leominster 

Walter Howard Clinton 

Enoch Foster Tewksbury 

George H. Poor Andover 

Levi L. H. Taylor Haverhill 

Solomon Jacobs Gloucester 

Charles Bruce Everett 

Charles C. Fry Lynn 

J. Mott Hallowell Medford 

Henry F. Strout Boston 

Charles A. Grant Winthrop 

Marcus C. Cook Boston 

Charles B. Woolley Boston 

Geo. B. Pierce Milton 

William W. Davis Boston 

Clifford A. Cook Milford 

Amos A. Lawrence Cohasset 

Charles J. Mercer Bridgewater 

Otis Foss Cottage City 

Emanuel Sallavott New Bedford 



MICHIGAN. 

AT LARGE. 



Frank J. Hecker Detroit 

Delos A. Blodgett Grand Rapids 

William McPherson, Jr Howell 

William E. Parnall .. ...Calumet 



Albert S. Glasgow Jackson 

Herbert F. Sands Pentwater 

William Barie Saginaw 

John N. McCall Ithaca 



DISTRICTS. 



i August Marxhausen Detroit 

William Livingstone Detroit 

2 Charles L. Edwards Carleton 

Leslie B. Robertson Adrian 

3 Edward N. Dingley Kalamazoo 

George E. Howes Battle Creek 

4 George E. Bardeen Otsego 

George M. Valentine... Benton Harbor 
5 Henry Spring Grand Rapids 

Brinton F. Hall Belding 

6 Frederick W. Higgins Woodmere 

Russell C. Ostrander Lansing 

7 John E. Wallace Port Austin 

Charles F. Moore St. Clair 



John H. Carstens Detroit 

Jacob J. Haarer Detroit 

Jerome H. Bishop Wyandotte 

Charles H. Smith Jackson 

Albert A. Dorrence Coldwater 

Fred. A. Roethlisberger Allen 

Martin E. Aulsbrook Sturgis 

Julius O. Becraft Dowagiac 

Peter McPherson Vergennes 

Benjamin A. Mulder Holland 

Jacob Kanouse Byron 

Earl F. Johnson Flint 

Watson Beach Lexington 

Joseph Walsh Port Huron 



68 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

MICHIGAN Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 
DISTRICTS. 

8 Ralph Loveland Saginaw Hiram M. High Ovid 

Harvey B. McLaughlin Vernon Fred Slocum Caro 

9 Earl Fairbanks Luther Archibald F. Bunting Empire 

A. Oren Wheeler Manistee George E. Hilton Fremont 

10 Edward F. Loud AuSable Floyd L. Post Midland 

Victor D. Sprague Cheboygan John Walsh West Bay City 

ii Ren Barker Reed City John R. Tennant Lake City 

Wm. H. C. Mitchell Traverse City Addis Albro Mount Pleasant 

12 Murray M. Duncan Ishpeming Robert H. Shields Houghton 

Thomas F. Cole Ironwood Sanford M. Deutcher Newberry 

MINNESOTA. 

AT LARGE. 

Cushman K. Davis St. Paul Kenneth Clark St. Paul 

Knute Nelson Alexandria J. Frank Wheaton Minneapolis 

Thomas Lowry Minneapolis David N. Tallman Willmar 

Samuel Lord Kasson W. W. Sivright Hutchinson 

DISTRICTS. 
i Allen J. Greer Lake City M. B. Chadwick Owatonna 

E. K. Roverud Caledonia W. A. Morin Albert Lea 

2 George Fitzsimmons Canby Jas. H. Quinn Fairmont 

J. R. Lankard Redwood Falls S. D. Bedford Bushmore 

3 E. A. Whitford Hastings R. R. Stoner Winthrop 

Albert G. Stoddard Fairfax Henry R. Diessner Waconia 

4 H. F. Barker Cambridge George H. Newbert Mora 

Fred. C. Schiffman St. Paul Benjamin F. Knauft St. Paul 

5 Thomas H. Shevlin Minneapolis Henry G. Hicks Minneapolis 

Sever E. Olson Minneapolis E. B. Zier Minneapolis 

6 A. F. Ferris Brainerd I. A. Caswell Anoka 

J. J. Ecklund Duluth J. A. Oldenberg Sturgeon Lake 

7 H. L. Melgaard Argyle S. A. Thomas Ortonville 

Ray W. Jones Frazee Howard Dykeman Breckenridge 

MISSISSIPPI. 

AT LARGE. 

M. A. Montgomery Oxford F. D. Mclntosh Okolona 

John R. Lynch Natchez Thomas Richardson Port Gibson 

James Hill Jackson R. D. Littlejohn Columbus 

H. C. Turley Natchez W. E. Mollison Ticksburg 

DISTRICTS. 

!_W. F. Elgin Corinth W. B. Elliot Tupelo 

A. C. Shannon Shannon J. H. Parker Aberdeen 

2 John S. Burton Holly Springs John D. Taylor Como Plant 

Geo. M. Buchanan Holly Springs John W. Love Miller 

3 Wesley Crayton Vicksburg L. Waldeur Greenville 

Sam. P. Hurst Clarksdale A. B. Grimes Avondale 

4 William D. Frazee Okolona J. II. Carr Cofleeville 

W. E. Mask Winona G. W. Meacham West Point 

5 J. W. Smith Meridian W. J. Price Meridian 

R. A. Simmons Richland C. A. Buchanan Kosciusko 

6 Frederick W. Collins Summit Thomas I. Keyes Ocean Spring 

John P. \Valworth Bay St. Louis L. G. Piernas Bay St. Louis 

7 G. E. Matthews Eva E. C. Yellowley Jackson 

R. O. Edwards Jackson S. S. Matthews Hazlehurst 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



MISSOURI. 



Delegates. 



Alternates. 



AT LARGE. 



Daniel M. Houser St. Louis 

David P. Dyer St. Louis 

James L. Minnis Carrollton 

Charles G. Burton Nevada 



O. M. Wood St. Louis 

Louis Wood Kansas City 

J. C. Chastine Kansas City 

H. H. Walker St. Joseph 



DISTRICTS. 



i Thos. B. Morris Hannibal 

Thos. J. Dockery Kirkesville 

2 J. L. Nichols Trenton 

A. C. Pettijohn Brookfield 

3 James E. Goodrich Cameron 

Chas. L. Mowder Braymer 

4 Chas J. Borden St. Joseph 

Daniel W. Porter Mound City 

5 Walter S. Dickey Kansas City 

Daniel Hoefer Higginsville 

6 Jas. T. Burney Harrisonville 

W. Y. McLemore Everton 

7 Frank D. Roberts Springfield 

\Vm. S. Shirk Sedalia 

8 J. F. Gemlich Boonville 

R. S. Harvey Eldon 

9 J. B. Garber W arrenton 

Theo. Bruere St. Charles 

10 Henry Ziegenheim St. Louis 

Emil Dosenbach Clayton 

: i Theo. D. Kalbfell St. Louis 

Geo. J. Kobusch St. Louis 

12 Charles Schweickardt St. Louis 

John B. Owen St. Louis 

13 B. B. Cahoon Fredericktown 

E. C. Steele Hartville 

14 M. E. Leming Cape Girardeau 

Guy T. Harrison Gainesville 

15 C. U. Shartel Nevada 

Arthur H. Spencer Joplin 



W. B. Rowland Bevier 

A. A. Logan Glenwood 

Charles R. Pattison Carrollton 

J. W. Stigall Cairo 

John E. Schooler Grant City 

Wm. Channell Stanberry 

Robert P. McGeehan Plattsburg 

Robert M. Stevenson Tarkio 

W. W. Harnden Kansas City 

H. M. Gerhart Kansas City 



Geo. N. Richards Warsaw 

Edw. A. Remley Columbia 

John W. Moore California 

Chas. H. Schubert Richland 

Silas O. Osterhaut Center 

Wm. T. Aydelott Troy 

Charles Kratz St. Louis 

J. H. Fisher Sullivan 

Wm. J. Broeker St. Louis 

John G. Brinkmeyer St. Louis 

Fred H. Smith St. Louis 

John W. Wheeler St. Louis 

George Gilbert Marshfield 

A. H. Cashion Perryville 

Jesse Tollerton Forsyth 

Henry M. Smith Marble Hill 

J. H. Spencer Joplin 

J. O. St. John Lamar 



MONTANA. 



Thcmas H. Carter Helena 

Henry Dion Glendive 

Tyler Worden Missoula 

John F. Forbes Butte 

David E. Folsom. ..White Sulphur Springs 
Charles W. Goodale Great Falls 



Wilbur F. Sanders Helena 

John F. Hendricks Hamilton 

Milton L. Davidson Dillon 

Joseph R. McKay Miles City 

William Lindsay Glendive 

Willis A. Hedges Yale 



NEBRASKA. 

AT LARGE. 



John M. Thurston Omaha 

Edward Rosewater Omaha 

John H. McClay Lincoln 

John A. Ehrhardt Stanton 



Norris Brown Kearney 

H. C. Baird Niobrara 

C. W. Kaley Red Cloud 

M. R. Snodgrass West Point 




70 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

NEBRASKA. Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 

i Geo. W. Spurlock Plattsmouth R. C. Boyd South Auburn 

E. A. Tucker Humboldt J. W. Worl Sterling 

2 Wm. F. Gurley Omaha C. E. Hoover Papillion 

Ed. J. Cornish Omaha F. H. Claridge Blair 

3 Henry Ragatz Columbus N. W. Wells Schuyler 

Jno. D. Haskell Wakefield Nelson Grimsley Wayne 

4 Alex. Laverty Ashland E. L. King Osceola 

C. B. Rogers Wymore N. V. Harlan York 

5 O. A. Abbott Grand Island Edward Updike Harvard 

G. L. Day Superior C. A. Luce Republican City 

6 Geo. B. Darr Lexington James L. Mclntosh Sidney 

E. J. Davenport Valentine M. L. Fries Arcadia 

NEVADA. 

AT LARGE. 

Milo C. McMillan Virginia City John S. Craig Yerington 

Patrick L. Flanigan Reno P. M. Bowler Hawthorne 

DISTRICTS. 

James P. Woodbury Carson City T. L. Franklin Gardnerville 

Oscar J. Smith Reno I. C. C. Whitmore Eureka 

Warren W. Williams Stillwater O. H. Grey Carson City 

Robert L. Fulton Reno A. Bruce Elko 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

AT LARGE. 

Jacob L. Gallinger Concord Charles W. Hoitt Nashua 

Frank Jones Portsmouth Alfred F. Howard Portsmouth 

William C. Clark Manchester A. Crosby Kennett Conway 

Thomas N. Hastings Walpole Frederic A. Faulkner Keene 

DISTRICTS. 

i Fred. A. Palmer Manchester Ellsworth H. Rollins Alton 

Albert Wallace Rochester Rufus E. Graves Newfields 

2 Frank P. Brown Whitefield James M. Lavin Berlin 

John McLane Milford Edwin C. Hitchcock Newport 

NEW JERSEY. 

AT LARGE. 

William J. Sewell Camden Henry J. Irick Bordentown 

Foster M. Voorhees Elizabeth Jno. I. Blair Reiley Phillipsburgh 

Franklin Murphy Newark Robert Williams Paterson 

Barker Gummere, Jr Trenton Edward W. Wooley Jersey City 

DISTRICTS. 

i William J. Bradley Camden Morris Davis Bridgeton 

John M. Moore Clayton Lucius E. Hires Salem 

a Wm. S. Hancock Trenton C. Edward Murray Trenton 

Samuel W. Beldon Bordentown Lewis T. Bryant Atlantic City 

3 Oliver H. Brown N. Spring Lake George S. Tice Perth Amboy 

Frederick P. Olcott Bernardsville Andrew H. Church South River 

4 Nathan H. Hart Newton Charles N. Reading Frenchtown 

Geo. W. Stickle Rockaway Joseph H. Fulper Washington 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



71 



NEW JERSEY Continued. 
Delegates. Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 



5 Win. Barbour Paterson 

Sheffield Phelps Teaneck 

6 Leslie D. Ward Newark 

Robt. W. Hawkesworth. . .East Orange 
7 Flavel McGee Jersey City 

Edward M. Watson Jersey City 

8 Charles J. Fiske Plainfield 

Geo. E. DeCamp Livingston 



Thomas R. Watson Passaic 

Alfred Gramlich Woodridge 

George A. Douglas Newark 

John H. Palmer East Orange 

Henry J. Lemmer West Hoboken 

Wm. A. Schell Hoboken 

John H. Eastwood Belleville 

Edward P. Allen Bayonne 



NEW YORK. 

AT LARGE. 



Thomas C. Platt Owego 

Chauncey M. Depew New York 

Theodore Roosevelt Oyster Bay 

Benj. B. Odell, Jr Newburgh 



James A. Roberts Buffalo 

George H. Roberts Brooklyn 

George J. Smith Kingston 

John Raines Canandaigua 



DISTRICTS. 



i Frederick P. Morris. .. .Flushing, L. I. 

Joseph M. Belford Riverhead, L. I. 

2 Wm. C. Wallace Brooklyn 

Andrew Jacobs Brooklyn 

3 Charles A. Moore Brooklyn 

George E. Waldo Brooklyn 

4 Adolph Kiendl Brooklyn 

Edward P. Morse Brooklyn 

5 Wm. Cullen Bryant Brooklyn 

Francis T. Williams Brooklyn 

6 James R. Howe Brooklyn 

Harry Jacquillard Brooklyn 

7 Hugh McRoberts. .Tompkinsville, S. I. 

John Murray Mitchell N. Y. City 

8 Lispenard Stewart N. Y. City 

Frank H. Platt N. Y. City 

9 Charles H. Murray N. Y. City 

John Sabine Smith N. Y. City 

10 Frederick S. Gibbs N. Y. City 

Howard Carroll N. Y. City 

ii George Hilliard N. Y. City 

George R. Shelden N. Y. City 

12 Cornelius N. Bliss N. Y. City 

F. Norton Goddard N. Y. City 

13 James W. Perry N. Y. City 

Edward Lauterbach N. Y. City 

14 Lemuel E. Quigg N. Y. City 

John Reisenweber N. Y. City 

15 Francis V. Greene N. Y. City 

Franklin T. Smith N. Y. City 

16 Wm. H. Ten Eyck N. Y. City 

Leslie M. Sutherland Yonkers 

17 Thomas W. Bradley Walden 

Otis H. Cutler Suff ern 

18 Robert H. Hunter Poughkeepsie 

Samuel D. Coykendall Rondout 



C. W. Hellett Long Island City 

D. Whitson Valentine. .Huntington, L. I. 

George W. Brush Brooklyn 

James A. McMicken Brooklyn 

Jacob D. Breener Brooklyn 

William T. Beattie Brooklyn 

David F. Butcher Brooklyn 

John J. Barrett Brooklyn 

George F. Murr TJrooklyn 

Maxwell C. Burger Brooklyn 

John Drescher, Jr Brooklyn 

George H. Nason Brooklyn 

Thos. A. Branif Tompkinsville, S. I. 

Thompkins Mcllvain N. Y. City 

James E. March N. Y. City 

Simon Gavin N. Y. City 

John Stiebling N. Y. City 

Patrick J. O Brien N. Y. City 

John Miller N. Y. City 

Frank H. Graff N. Y. City 

Thomas Rothmann N. Y. City 

Charles M. Jeroloman N. Y. City 

Henry Birrell N. Y. City 

George B. Agnew N. Y. City 

George W. Bleezarde N. Y. City 

Jacob Kahn N. Y. C-y 

Newall Martin N. Y. City 

Henry R. Hoyt N. Y. City 

Jefferson A. Simonds N. Y. City 

Ambrose O. Neal N. Y. City 

James K. Apgar Peekskill 

Edward A. Healey New York 

Edward D. Tompkins Middletown 

J. P. Roose, Jr Monticello 

E. W. Addis Brewster 

George W. Washburn " : augerties 



72 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



NEW YORK Continued. 



Delegates. 



Alternates. 



DISTRICTS. 



19 Frank S. Black Troy 

Louis F. Payn Chatham 

20 Lewis E. Carr Albany 

Louis I. Walman Albany 

21 Hobart Krum Schoharie 

Burr Mattice Oneonta 

22 Leslie W. Russell Canton 

W. W. Worden Saratoga 

23 Charles E. Johnson Plattsburg 

Frank S. Witherbee Port Henry 

24 George B. Sloan Oswego 

Elon R. Brown Watertown 

25 John C. Davies Camden 

John M. Budlong Schuyler 

26 John W. Dwight Dryden 

George O. Meade Walton 

27 Hendrick S. Holden Syracuse 

Francis Gates Chittenango 

28 Sereno E. Payne Auburn 

Charles T. Saxton Clyde 

29 John F. Parkhurst Bath 

J. B. H. Mongin Waterloo 

30 S. Benedict Whitlock Warsaw 

Arthur C. Hastings Niagara Falls 

31 George W. Aldridge Rochester 

Henry C. Brewster Rochester 

32 John R. Hazel Buffalo 

Simon Seibert Buffalo 

33 William C. Warren Buffalo 

Herman J. Kreinhoder Buffalo 

34 Hurley L. Phillips Jamestown 

Melvin E. Homer .. ..Belmont 



Herman H. Livingston Catskill 

Cornelius V. Collins Troy 

Henry M. Sage Albany 

John W. Wheelock Albany 

James H. Callanan Schenectady 

Isaac W. Brandow Catskill 

M. R. Sackett Gouverneur 

A. E. Blunck Johnstown 

John Carrier Brighton 

H. E. Tremaine Caldwell 

P. W. Cullinan Oswego 

William H. Johnson Port Leyden 

W atson T. Dunmore Utica 

P. J. McEvoy Little Falls 

C. J. Knapp Binghamton 

W. E. Johnson Waverly 

James W. Upson Baldwinsville 

Eugene P. Sisson Hamilton 

George E. Cornwell Pen Yan 

Charles F. Milliken Canandaigua 

Charles A. Sloans Montour Falls 

Seymour Dexter Elmira 

Stanley E. Filkins Medina 

Jonathan B. Morey Dansville 

John C. McVean, Jr Scottsville 

DeWitt C. Becker Fairport 

James Ash Buffalo 

Charles Hosier Buffalo 

A. G. Baker Hamburgh 

Adam Rinewatt Williamsville 

Charles M. Hamilton Ripley 

Henry A. Soules Allegheny 



NORTH CAROLINA. 

AT LARGE. 

J. C. Pritchard Marshall L. L. Wrenn Siler City 

James E. Boyd Greensboro J. E. Cox High Point 

E. C. Duncan Raleigh A. M. Clarke Southern Pines 

Charles McNamee Baltimore I. M. Meekins Elizabeth City 



DISTRICTS. 



i D. H. Abbott Vandemere 

Wheeler Martin Williamston 

2 Geo. H. White Tarboro 

Henry E. Hagans Goldsboro 

3 S. W. Hancock Newbern 

S. A. King Elizabethtown 

4 J. M. Millican Asheboro 

C. T. Bailey Raleigh 

5 Spencer B. Adams Greensboro 

Jos. A. Norwood Buchanan 

6 Thomas E. Wallace Wilmington 

B. B. Russell ..Maxton 



W. R. White Hertford 

J. L. Phelps Plymouth 

Albert Miller Lagrange 

Dred Wimberly Tarboro 

M. B. Williams Clinton 

S. A. Cotton Hope Mills 

H. P. Pierce Selma 

F. D. Jones Gulf 

J. T. Donoho Yanceyville 

B. F. Sprinkle Reidsville 

F. B. Rice Wilmington 

S. B. Pride . . .. .Charlotte 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



73 



NORTH CAROLINA Continued. 



Dekgates. 



Alternates. 



DISTRICTS. 



7 Henry C. Cowles Statesville 

D. Martin Carpenter Maiden 

8 W. A. Lemley Winston 

J. B. Atkins Lenoir 

9 V. S. Lusk Asheville 

Thomas S. Rollins .. ..Marshall 



Moses L. Bean Salisbury 

M. D. Kimbrough Mocksville 

J. W. McNeil Wilksboro 

S. C. Parson Jefferson 

James L. Morgan Marion 

J. F. Hayes Saphire 



NORTH DAKOTA. 



AT LARGE. 



H. S. Hansbrough Devils Lake 

Porter J. McCumber Wahpeton 

R. N. Stevens Bismarck 

H. L. Holmes Bathgate 

Stephen Collins Grand Fork 

H. C. Plumley Fargo 



C. V. Brown Sykeston 

Geo. A. White Portland 

R. S. Blackwell Lamoure 

Fred Leutz Hebron 

E. N. Swiggum Graf ton 

Warren Steele . . Rolla 



OHIO. 

AT LARGE. 

George K. Nash Columbus Charles Foster Fostoria 

Jos. B. Foraker Cincinnati W. C. Brown Fostoria 

Chas. H. Grosvenor Athens George A. Meyers Cleveland 

Chas. Dick Akron Myron A. Norris Youngstown 



DISTRICTS. 



k% i George B. Cox CincTnnati 

Charles P. Taft Cincinnati 

2 John A. Caldwell Cincinnati 

Henry Bremfoeder Cincinnati 

3 Joseph E. Lowes Dayton 

O. V. Parrish Hamilton 

4 W. D. Davies Sidney 

W. K. Boone Lima 

5 G. L. Marble Van Wert 

W. H. Phipps Paulding 

6 Irvin McD. Smith Hillsboro 

Wm. W. Dennison Batavia 

7 Geo. C. Rawlins Springfield 

Thos. W. Marchant.. Washington, C. H. 

8 D. E. Strayer DeGraff 

J. L. Cameron Marysville 

9 Robinson Locke Toledo 

J. O. Troup Bowling Green 

10 Orin B. Gould Wellston 

Robert M. Switzer Gallipolis 

ii John F. White Logan 

C. S. Rannels Zaleski 

12 Cyrus Huling Columbus 

O. H. Perry Columbus 

13 Jesse Vickery Bellevue 

Alex. Kiskadden Tiffin 

14 John M. Barry Mt. Gilead 

Burgess L. McElroy Mt. Vernon 

15 James M. Rusk McConnellsville 

P. C. Patterson Cambridge 



Louis Kruckemeyer Cincinnati 

Andrew J. Conroy Cincinnati 

John B. Morris Cincinnati 

Scott Bonham Cincinnati 

J. W. King Eaton 

W. B. Marsh Eaton 

A. F. Markwith Greenville 

W. W. Shafer Rockford 

William Kirtley, Jr Defiance 

M. E. Wilson Hicksville 

L. H. Williams Ripley 

Cheney F. Cretors Xenia 

Thos. B. Wilson London 

Henry P. Folsom Circleville 

Frank J. McCulloch Bellefontaine 

Geo. J. Carter Kenton 

John B. Wilson Bowling Green 

Wm. Sowders Port Clinton 

P. N. Wickerham Peebles 

T. N. Patterson Waverly 

P. B. Stanberry Pomeroy 

J. T. Axline Shawnee 

L. W. Buckmaster Columbus 

M. C. Lakin Columbus 

Roscoe B. Fisher Sandusky 

John W. Cupp Galion 

A. G. Bodley Plymouth 

Lem P. Yokum Norwalk 

J. S. Rownd Summerfield 

L. C. Hayes Vincent 



74 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



OHIO Continued. 



Delegates. 



Alternates. 



DISTRICTS. 



16 G. E. Bradfield Barnesville 

Robert Blythe Carrollton 

17 John Huston Millersburg 

Wilson A. Korns New Philadelphia 

18 Joseph G. Butler, Jr Youngstown 

H. W. Morgan Alliance 

19 S. J. Smith Conneaut 

W. H. Crafts Mantua 

201. P. Lamson Cleveland 

Robert C. Moody Painesville 

21 Frank R. Hatfield Cleveland 

James Barnett Cleveland 



S. K. McLaughlin Hurford 

Robert McGowan Steubenville 

George A. Hay Coshocton 

Ross W. Funk Wooster 

H. R. Hill East Liverpool 

Wm. Cornelius Youngstown 

Richard King Chardon 

W. S. Darlis Kinsman 

James Calwell Cleveland 

Charles C. Hamilton Cleveland 

W. F. Hoppensack Cleveland 

Joseph Carabelli Cleveland 



OREGON. 



AT LARGE. 



Wallace McCamant Portland 

Henry E. Ankenny Sterling 

John D. Daly Corvallis 

H. L. Knuck ...The Dalles 



Lewis Simpson North Bend 

H. L. Holgate Corvallis 

Wallis Nash Nashville 

John W. Knowles La Grande 



DISTRICTS. 
i George A. Steel Portland Rufus S. Moore Klamath Falls 

John B. David Newberg James A. Wilson Portland 

2 Joseph Simon Portland Thomas McEwan Sumpter 

F. S. Stanley Perry R. Alexander Pendleton 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

AT LARGE. 



M. S. Quay Beaver 

John B. Steel Greensburg 

Frank Reeder Easton 

William Connell Scranton 

B. W. Green Emporium 

Chas. A. Porter Philadelphia 

James Elverson Philadelphia 

John Leisenring Upper Lehigh 



J. Thomas Preston : . . Whitford 

W. E. Rice Warren 

C. F. Barclay Sinnemahoning 

Edward A. Price Media 

Mial E. Lilley Towanda 

W. C. Kreps Green Castle 

Jesse L. Hartman Hollidaysburg 

George Edward Reed Carlisle 



DISTRICTS. 



i Henry H. Bingham Philadelphia 

Israel W. Durham Philadelphia 

2 Boies Penrose Philadelphia 

David H. Lane Philadelphia 

3 James B. Anderson Philadelphia 

Joseph H. Klemmer Philadelphia 

4-A. S. L. Shields Philadelphia 

Chas. F. Kindred Philadelphia 

5 John H. Bromley Philadelphia 

Isaac Schlichter Philadelphia 

6 J. Herbert Ogden Lansdowne 

Horace A. Beale Parkesburg 

7 Jos. Bosler Ogontz 

Joseph R. Grundy Bristol 

8 Russel C. Stewart Easton 

J. Monroe Driesbach Mauch Chunk 



William McCoach Philadelphia 

Thomas Patterson Philadelphia 

Samuel M. Clement Philadelphia 

Jacob Wildemore Philadelphia 

Harry J. Trainer Philadelphia 

Robert J. Moore Philadelphia 

Harry D. Beaston Philadelphia 

Charles W. Boger Philadelphia 

William L. Martin Tacony 

Chas P. Francis Philadelphia 

J. B. Robinson Media 

Joseph Morris i Lionville 

Henry B. Freed Souderton 

Chas. G. Knight Churchville 

H. W. Kistler Stroudsburg 

H. B. Reed Milford 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



75 



PENNSYLVANIA Continued. 



Delegates. 



Alternates. 



DISTRICTS. 



9 Jonathan G. Leinbach Reading 

Walter L. Jones Allentown 

10 \Y. W. Griest Lancaster 

Isaac W. Slokom Christiana 

ii Everett Warren Scranton 

Thomas H. Dale Scranton 

12 Morgan B. Williams Wilkesbarre 

Chas. A. Hiner \V ilkesbarre 

13 V. . J. Whitehouse Pottsville 

Harrison Ball Mahanoy City 

14 Samuel E. Light Lebanon 

Henry C. Shearer. .. .New Bloomfield 
15 Coe Durland Honesdale 

F. L. Kinner Athens 

16 James N. Kline Williamsport 

Sanford H. Lewis Coudersport 

17 C. M. Clement Sunbury 

James C. Brown Bloomsburg 

18 Dr. Percival Herman Kratzerville 

Carl M. Gage Huntingdon 

19 John L. Hill, Jr Gettysburg 

Chas. H. Mullin Mt. Holly Springs 

20 Robert S. Murphy Johnstown 

John H. Jordon Bedford 

21 Jay C. Booher Falls Creek 

Samuel Donaldson Kittanning 

22 C. L. Magee Pittsburgh 

William Flinn Pittsburgh 

23 James R. Wyman Allegheny 

William Witherow Allegheny 

24 Geo. M. von Bonnhorst Pittsburgh 

John H. Murdock Washington 

23 Oscar L. Jackson New Castle 

Raymond H. Pillow Butler 

26 J. F. Downing Erie 

Samuel B. Dick Meadville 

27 James A. McKean Smithport 

W. P. Nutting Youngsville 

28 C. A. Randall Tionesta 

M. L. McQuown Clearfield 



Uriah Biery Shamrock 

Wm. B. Schaeffer West Bethlehem 

E. S. Hoover Lancaster 

J. G. Usner Rothsville 

Arthur Long Scranton 

Chauncey Derby Scranton 

A. W. Drake Lattimer Mines 

Alex. Thompson Pittston 

Chas. E. Breckons St. Claif 

Geo. C. Deifenderfer Orwigsburg 

Thomas H. Capp Lebanon 

Jacob H. Redsecker Lebanon 

Henry Harding Tunkhannock 

H. L. Hoyt Athens 

A. C. Hopkins Lock Haven 

A. G. Olmsted Coudersport 

A. G. Haas Shamokin 

H. A. McKillip Bloomsburg 

J. J. Booth Lewiston 

H. B. McNulty Chambersburg 

Solomon D. Melering Littlestown 

R. Hathaway Shindle York 

John R. Scott Somerset 

George R. Scull Somerset 

John A. Graff Blairsville 

D. S. Atkinson Greensburg 

J. O. Brown Pittsburgh 

D. L. Gillespie Pittsburgh 

Chas. T. Nevin Allegheny 

C. W. Forsythe Natrona 

Webb W. Murray Pittsburgh 

A. C. Marsh Washington 

Quincy A. Gordon Mercer 

John B. McClure Beaver 

Chas. Burgess Titusville 

O. D. Van Camp Girard 

E. A. Dempsey Bradford 

George W. Campbell Warren 

John M. Dale Bellefontaine 

W. H. Baker Ridgeway 



RHODE ISLAND. 

AT LARGE. 

Charles R. Brayton Providence Henry E. Tiepke Pawtucket 



Frank F. Carpenter Providence 

Charles H. Chid Providence 

Lucius B. Darling Pawtucket 



Elam W. Olney Providence 

Harry C. Curtis Providence 

George L. Pierce Providence 



DISTRICTS. 

i William P. Buffum Newport Isaac M. Potter Providence 

Joseph C. Fletcher Bristol Samuel L. Peck Warren 

2 B. Frank Robinson, Jr..S. Kingstown Albert S. Babcock Hopkinton 

Richard Thornley East Greenwich Walter E. Spink Coventry 



76 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

E. A. Webster Columbia A. Lathrop Orangeburg 

Robert Smalls Beaufort S. T. Poinier Spartanburg 

E. H. Deas Darlington R. E. Williams New Berry 

R. R. Tolbert Abbeville A. S. Johnson Aiken 



DISTRICTS. 



i G. I. Cuningham Charleston 

W. D. Crum Charleston 

2 E. J. Dickerson Aiken 

W. S. Dixon Barnwell 

3 E. F. Cochran Anderson 

A. C. Marrick Walhalla 

4 J. F. Ensor Columbia 

B. F. Means Spartanburg 

5 J. F. Jones Blacksburg 

W. E. Boykin Camden 

6 Joshua E. Wilson Florence 

W. H. Collier Marion 

7 J. H. Fordham Orangeburg 

R. M. Wallace .. ...Sumter 



J. A. Baxter Georgetown 

J. I. Washington Beaufort 

Arthur A. Simkins Edgefield 

G. G. Butler Barnwell 

W. J. Thomas Seneca 

J. W. Tolbert Greenwood 

B. W. Nance Winnsboro 

Frank Nichols Greenville 

F. R. Massey Lancaster 

J. C. Atkinson Chester 

W. R. Jackson Florence 

J. R. Levy Florence 

James O. Ladd Summerville 

J. H. Weston Congaree 



SOUTH DAKOTA. 

AT LARGE. 



Emil Branch Hurley 

George Rice Flandreau 

L. L. Lostutter Iroquois 

A. H. Betts Alexandria 

C. B. Collins Groton 

M. P. Beebe Ipswich 

James Halley Rapid City 

G. G. Bennett Deadwood 



C. W. Pratt Edgerton 

Geo. Cochran Dell Rapids 

J. C. Sharp Iroquois 

C. W. Ainsworth Alexandria 

D. T. Hindman Aberdeen 

J. H. Bottimo Ipswich 

S. C. Lumis Custer 

Max Blatt Sturgis 



TENNESSEE. 

AT LARGE. 

Henry R. Gibson Knoxville Alonzo J. Tyler Sneedville 



Foster V. Brown Chattanooga 

Geo. N. Tillman Nashville 

John E. McCall Lexington 



Richard W. Austin Knoxville 

George W. Porter Clarksville 

Josiah T. Settle Memphis 



DISTRICTS. 



i Walter P. Brownlow Jonesboro 

George McHenderson Rutledge 

2 John J. Graham Jacksboro 

James A. Green London 

3 Newell Sanders Chattanooga 

T. W. Peace Madisonville 

4 John E. Oliver Cabbatha 

Blanton W. Burford Lebanon 

5 Ernest Coldwell Shelbyville 

James J. Elliott Murfreesboro 

6 A. W. Wills Nashville 

I. W. Pitts Clarksville 

7 John W. Jackson Columbia 

James C. Hickman Lynnville 



Benjamin W. Hooper Newport 

William H. Nelson Backwoods 

Samuel P. Sparks Kingston 

Samuel M. Pickens Cusick s 

F. L. Mansfield Athens 

J. C. Hale Winchester 

Solon Robinson Jamestown 

Claire V. Guinn Hartsville 

J. Mack. Eakin Fayetteville 

Chas. Heidenberg Tullahoma 

John L. Barbour Nashville 

E. F. Peck Dover 

John Turman Waynesboro 

J. S. Beasley Centreville 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 77 

TENNESSE Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 
DISTRICTS. 

8 F. S. Elgin Selmer W. M. Bray Henderson 

S. W. Hawkins Huntingdon A. A. Watson Savannah 

9 D. A. Nunn Brownsville T. H. Johnson Halls 

G. T. Taylor Union City J. F. Booker Union City 

10 R. R. Church Memphis G. A. Boyd Mason 

J. W. Dutro Memphis Thomas C. Phelan Memphis 

TEXAS. 

AT LARGE. 

R. B. Hawley Galveston R. E. Hanney Hempstead 

E. H. R. Green Terrell Geo. Moore Brownsville 

Charles M. Ferguson San Antonio J. A. Smith El Paso 

M. M. Rodgers LaGrange A. L. Maynard Lockhart 

DISTRICTS. 

i Waller Burns Houston R. B. Smith Treamer 

J. Atkins Navasota W. M. Green Houston 

2 Geo. W. Burkett Palestine Theo. Miller Rusk 

William Sanders Nacogdoches H. L. Price Palestine 

3 C. C. Flannagan Henderson J. M. Gurley Greenbille 

U. G. Roach Celeste J. W. Yates Longview 

4 J. A. Blackwell. B. C. Browning. 

H. G. Goree. H. W. Walker. 

5 G. A. Knight Belcheville H. C. Bell Benton 

W. H. Love McKinney H. J. Hendricks Gainesville 

6 Eugene Marshall. G. W. McCormick. 

W. E. King. G. \V. Lanier. 

7 C. A. Boynton Waco D. R. Emerson Marlin 

G. W. Sledge Cameron R E. Hendricks Calbert 

8 W. C. Forbess \Veatherford J. N. Deal Fort Worth 

Harry Harris Yatesville J. Will Bynum Brownwood 

9 J. G. Hornberger Austin C. V. Compton Taylor 

J. T. Harris Brenham D. N. McCoy Giddings 

10 H. C. Heilig LaGrange W. J. Miller Hallettsville 

H. C. Ferguson Richmond N. H. Haller Angleton 

ii C. G. Brewster Laredo F. W. Groce Victoria 

D. Abner, Jr Seguin G. R. Townsend Victoria 

12 C. C. Drake Eagle Pass Peter Geib Del Rio 

W. G. Robinson San Antonio J. S. Cameron San Antonio 

13 J. G. Lowdon Abilene R. O. Rector Abilene 

C. K. McDowell Dickens T. F. Berner Henrietta 

UTAH. 

AT LARGE. 

C. E. Loose Provo John Meteer Richfield 

Arthur Brown Salt Lake City Stephen H. Love Salt Lake City 

George M. Hanson Ogden Ephraim Homer Provo 

Heber M. Wells Salt Lake City W. H. Clark Salt Lake City 

George Sutherland Salt Lake City E. P. Ellison Layton 

Thomas Kearns Park City Mrs. W. H. Jones Salt Lake City 



78 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

VERMONT. 
Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

John G. McCullough North Bennington George T. Chaff ee Rutland 

Henry C. Bates _..St. Johnsbury George T. Howard Craftsbury 

Edward Wells Burlington Jacob B. Hindes Vergennes 

Levant M. Reed Rockingham Curtis S. Henry Chelsea 

DISTRICTS. 

i Wm. N. Platt Shoreham Frank Kenfield Norristown 

Emery M. Brown Sheldon Henry O. Carpenter Rutland 

3 W. H. H. Slack Springfield F. W. Billings .Woodstock 

E. M. Bartlett Brighton G. W. Randall Waterbury 

VIRGINIA. 

AT LARGE. 

Park Agnew Alexandria J. Hampton Hoge Roanoke 

James A. Walker Wytheville A. P. Funkhouser Harrisonburg 

James D. Brady Petersburg W. H. C. Brown Newport News 

S. Brown Allen Staunton J. J. Alley Gate City 

DISTRICTS. 

i C. G. Smithers Cape Charles Josephus Trader Fichetts 

Samuel E. Pitts Baity W. H. Parker Onancock 

2 Geo. E. Bowden Norfolk S. L. Burroughs Portsmouth 

W. S. Hollend Windsor W. H. Thoroughgood Norfolk 

3 Morgan Treat West Point E. P. Murphy Richmond 

J. R. Pollard Richmond R. E. Jones Richmond 

4 R. T. Thorpe Boydton W. F. Jones Lawrenceville 

A. W. Harris Petersburg H. L. Jackson Blackstone 

5 Charles P. Smith Martinsville M. O. Cornett Independence 

V. M. Sowder Floyd, C. H. J. H. Pigg Chatham 

6 S. E. Sproul Roanoke G. S. Fitzwater Christiansburg 

J. C. Carter Houston Adolphus Humbles Lynchburg 

7 C. M. Gibbens Winchester Charles L. Estes Barryville 

C. A. R. Moore Mt. Jackson Chas. L. Holtzman Luray 

8 Harry W. Eamick Lovettsville B. F. Ellenger Remington 

R. R. Homer Warrenton F. T. Johnson Stafford s Store 

9 Stuart F. Lindsey Bristol Robert W. Blair Wytheville 

A. P. Gillespie Tazewell R. M. Calfee Pulaski 

ID W. C. Franklin Pamplin City W. H. Shaw Lexington 

C. P. Nair Clifton Forge Robert Southall Staunton 

WASHINGTON. 

AT LARGE. 

Levi Ankeny Walla Walla Charles E. Coon Fort Townsend 

L. A. Sims Kalama J. S. Miers Republic 

E. C. Neufelder Seattle J. W. Bean Ellenburg 

George H. Baker Goldendale A. S. Lindsey Wenatchee 

J. M. Ashton Tacoma L. A. Kennedy Ritzville 

N. B. Coffman Chehalis S. G. Cosgrove Pomeroy 

Herbert S. Conner La Conner E. Baumesiter Asotin 

E. J. Hayfield Colfax M. E. Hay Wilbur 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 79 

WEST VIRGINIA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

George W. Curtin Button F. H. Blake Moundsville 

Samuel H. Gramm Grafton C. A. Whiteshot Mannington 

J. Eugene Dana Charleston S. F. Morris Eckman 

Edward H. Flynn Spencer C. H. Payne Huntington 

DISTRICTS. 

i Morris Horkheimer Wheeling Andrew Carney Wheeling 

Daniel U. O Brien Glenville W. F. Morrison Sutton 

2 John D. Rigg Terra Alta A. W. Wight Morgantown 

L. J. Forman Petersburg S. C. Cross Berkeley Springs 

3 Philip Doodwill Bramwell J. W. Heavener Buckhannon 

M. J. Simms Montgomery John H. Hill Institute 

4 W. W. Monroe Parkersburg R. A. Riggs Point Pleasant 

Eugene M. Campbell Huntington T. B. McClure Wayne 

WISCONSIN. 

AT LARGE. 

Joseph B. Treat Monroe Charles H. Baxter Lancaster 

H. Augustus Luedtke Milwaukee Andrew J. Frame Waukesha 

Isaac Stephenson Marinette John L. Erdall Madison 

James H. Stout Menomonie N. C. Foster Fairchild 

DISTRICTS. 

i James Reynolds Lake Geneva John Luchinger Monroe 

James Hoskins Darlington B. B. Blake Racine 

2 A. A. Porter Portage W. H. Proctor Portage 

George J. Kispert Jefferson A. R. Hoard Fort Atkinson 

3 L. H. Bancroft Richland Centre W. A. Warren Baraboo 

Samuel W. Reese Dodgeville Matt D. Pitman Boscobel 

4 Bernard Leidersdorf Milwaukee Irving M. Bean Milwaukee 

W. H. Stevens Milwaukee C. W. Milbrath Milwaukee 

5 John R. Dennett Pt. Washington Ed. Foster Waukesha 

Chas. Elkert Milwaukee John J. Kempf Milwaukee 

6 E. G. Nash Manitowoc Karl D. Jackson Oshkosh 

H. A. Winslow Fond du Lac Ira P. Coon Plainfield 

7 James T. Barber Eau Claire E. A. Miller Hixton 

Levi Withee La Crosse W. L. House Tomah 

8 George L. Rodgers Steven Point J. J. Nelson Amherst 

Peter Thorn Appleton A. J. Simpich Appleton- 

9 Walter Alexander Wausau John Friend Antigo 

B. W. Davis Phillipps W. J. Davis Marinette 

10 R. L. McCormick Hayward i had. C. Pound Chippewa 

John T. Murphy Superior S. A. Peterson Rice Lake 

WYOMING. 

AT LARGE. 

Frances E. Warren Cheyenne Edward W. Stone Cheyenne 

Clarence D. Clarke Evanston Thomas D. Bebb Buffalo 

Frank W. Mondell New Castle F. E. Rounds Sundance 

DeForrest Richard Douglas J. G. Cosgriff Rawlins 

J. L. Torrey Embar A. A. Spaugh Mauville 

George C. Gobel Rock Springs John D. McGill Rock Creek 



80 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

ALASKA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

John G. Heid Junea Edward de Graffe Sitka 

W. D. Grant Wrangel J. F. Collins Wrangel 

ARIZONA. 

AT LARGE. 

Charles H. Akers Phoenix O. D. M. Gaddis Kingman 

Charles R. Drake Tucson W. H. Clark Holbrook 

John W. Dorrington Yuma R. A. F. Penrose Pearce 

Frank Dysart Solomonville Thomas F Grindell Phoenix 

J. L. Hubbel St. Johns George Christy Phoenix 

J. A. Vail Flagstaff Charles F. Solomon Solomonville 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

AT LARGE. 

John E. Jones Washington Geo. E. Emmons Washington 

W. Calvin Chase Washington Lucius H. Peterson Washington 

NEW MEXICO. 

AT LARGE. 

Miguel A. Otero Santa Fe Robert P. Ervien Clayton 

E. A. Cahoon Roswell R. C. Gortner Santa Fe 

Secundino Romero Las Vegas Henry D. Bowman Las Cruces 

Frank A. Hubbell Albuquerque David J. Lehy Raton 

Juan Santisteven Taos J. M. Sandoval Albuquerque 

Abram Abeytia Socorro L. Sollenberger Hillsboro 

OKLAHOMA. 

AT LARGE. 

John R. Tate Blackwell S. C. Eckhard El Reno 

J. G. Pringey Harvey P. F. Tyler Watonga 

C. H. Thompson Guthrie Frank T. Cook Cloud Chief 

W. J. French Alva I. F. Norris Orlando 

G. G. Baker Britton J. M. Van Winkle Shawnee 

J. W. McNeal Guthrie R. A. Southard Perry 

HAWAII. 

AT LARGE. 

S. Parker Honolulu 

A. N. Kepoikai Honolulu 

INDIAN TERRITORY. 

P. L. Soper Vinita, Cherokee Nation C. W. Poole Chelsea, Cherokee Nation 

E. J. Fannin.S. McAlester, Choctaw Nat. D. Thomas Talihina, Choctaw Nation 

A. F. Parkinson. . .Wagoner, Creek Nation A. G. W. Sango. .Muscogee, Creek Nation 

W. L. McWilliams. .Miami, Quapaw Ag y Wm. Logan Miami, Quapaw Agency 

C. L. Long Wowoka, Seminole Nation C. A. Bruner. . .Econtuchka, Seminole N. 

Chas. M. Campbell. Ardmore, Chicasaw N. W. C. Blanchard. .Purcell, Chickasaw N. 

Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman, on behalf of a 
majority of the delegates from the State of New York I demand the pre 
vious question on the adoption of the report. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 81 

Mr. WILLIAM J. SEWELL, of New Jersey. On the part of New Jersey I 
second the demand. 

Mr. SYDNEY E. MUDD, of Maryland. I second the demand on behalf 
of Maryland. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The demand for the previous question 
being seconded by two States, the question is, shall it be ordered? 

The previous question was ordered. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. There will be forty minutes of debate 
upon the question of agreeing to the report of the Committee on Creden 
tials. Twenty minutes of the time will be allotted by the Hon. Sereno E. 
Payne, Chairman of the Committee on Credentials, and the other twenty 
minutes should be equitably divided among the minority, representing the 
differing sides. 

Mr. PAYNE, of New York. I reserve my time. I do not know that any 
debate will be required. 

(Cries of "Question!" "Question!") 

Mr. H. V. CASHIN, of Alabama. Before the question is put, I wish to 
call attention to an error in the report of the Committee in reference to 
the delegation from Alabama. The report shows that two of the delegates 
are alternates. It is merely a clerical error, which can be easily corrected. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The clerical error has already been cor 
rected by the Secretary. If no one desires to debate the matter the ques 
tion is on agreeing to the report of the Committee on Credentials. 

The report was agreed to. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The next order of business is the report 
of the Committee on Permanent Organization. Is the Committee ready 
to report? 

Mr. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, 
the Committee on Permanent Organization submit the report which I 
hold in my hand. They have selected for Permanent Chairman of the 
Convention the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts. (Applause.) 
I ask that the report be read. 

The report was read as follows: 
To the HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, Temporary Chairman: 

The Committee on Permanent Organization begs leave to report the following, for 
the permanent officers of the convention: 

Permanent Chairman, Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts 
6 



82 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY. 

General Secretary, Hon. Charles W. Johnson, of Minneapolis, Minnesota. 
Assistant Secretaries, John R. Malloy, of Columbus, Ohio. 

John R. Beam, of Paterson, New Jersey. 

Lucien Grey, of Lewistown, Illinois. 

Gardner P. Stickney, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 

James F. Burke, of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. 

W. B. Bauchman, of Bluff City, Tennessee. 

Warren Bigler, of Wabash, Indiana. 

John Q. Royce, of Phillipsburg, Kansas. 

F. S. Gaylord, of Connecticut. 

D. C. Kolp, of Iowa Park, Texas. 
Reading Clerks, Dennis E. Alward, of Michigan. 

E. L. Lampson, of Jefferson, Ohio. 
James H. Stone, of Detroit, Michigan. 
H. L. Remmel, of Little Rock, Arkansas. 

Clerk at President s Desk, Asher C. Hinds, of Portland, Maine. 
Official Reporter, Milton W. Blumenberg, of Illinois. 
Tally Clerks, J. Herbert Potts, of Jersey City, New Jersey. 

George R. Butlin, of Omaha, Nebraska. 

Messengers to Secretary, Griffin Halstead, C. W. DeKnight. 
Messenger to Chairman, Joseph W. Young. 

OFFICE OF THE SERGEANT AT ARMS. 

Sergeant at Arms, George N. Wiswell, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 
Chief Organizer, David C. Owen, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 
First Assistant Chief of Staff, W. W. Johnson, of Baltimore, Maryland. 
Second Assistant Chief of Staff, Maj. W. P. Huxford, of Connecticut, residence 

Washington, D. C. 

Master of Doors, Samuel Kercheval, of Indianapolis, Indiana. 
Assistant Master of Doors, Earle D. Sweetwood, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 

We also recommend an honorary Vice President for each State, to be furnished to 
the Secretary of the Convention for the journal of proceedings. 

Mr. GROSVENOR, of Ohio. I move the adoption of the report of the 
Committee on Permanent Organization. 

The report was agreed to. 

COMMITTEE TO ESCORT THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Chair appoints as a committee to 
escort the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge to the platform, Governor Shaw, of 
Iowa, and Governor Roosevelt, of New York. 

The committee appointed by the Temporary Chairman escorted Mr. 
Lodge to the platform. 

The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, I have the 
honor to present as vour Permanent Chairman Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge. 
(Applause.) 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

ADDRESS OF THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge). Gentlemen of 
the Convention: One of the greatest honors that can fall to any American 
in public life is to be called to preside over a Republican National Con 
vention. How great that honor is you know, but you cannot realize, nor 
can I express the gratitude which I feel to. you for having conferred it 
upon me. I can only say to you, in the simplest phrase, that I thank you 
from the bottom of my heart. "Beggar that I am, I am even poor in thanks, 
and yet I thank you." (Applause.) 

We meet again to nominate the next President of the United States. 
(Applause.) Four years have passed since we nominated the soldier and 
statesman who is now President, and who is soon to enter upon his second 
term. Since the Civil War no Presidential term has been so crowded with 
great events as that which is now drawing to a close. They have been four 
memorable years. To Republicans they show a record of promises kept, 
of work done, of unforeseen questions met and answered. To the Democrats 
they have been generous in the exhibition of unfulfilled predictions, in 
the ruin of their hopes of calamity, and in futile opposition to the forces 
of the times and the aspirations of the American people. I wish I could 
add that they had been equally instructive to our opponents, but while 
it is true that the Democrats, like the Bourbons, learn nothing, it is only 
too evident that the familiar comparison cannot be completed, for they 
forget a great deal which it would be well for them to remember. (Ap 
plause.) 

In 1897 we took the government and the country from the hands of 
President Cleveland. His party had abandoned him and were joined to 
their idols, of which he was no longer one. During the last years of his 
term we had presented to us the melancholy spectacle of a President try 
ing to govern without a party. The result was that his policies were in 
ruin, legislation was at a standstill and public affairs were in a perilous 
and incoherent condition. Party responsibility had vanished, and with it 
all possibility of intelligent action, demanded by the country at home and 
abroad. It was an interesting but by no means singular display of Demo 
cratic unfitness for the practical work of government. To the political 
student it was instructive, to the country it was extremely painful, to busi 
ness disastrous. 

We replaced this political chaos with a President in thorough accord 
with his party, and the machinery of government began again to move 
smoothly and effectively. Thus we kept at once our promise of better and 
more efficient administration. (Applause.) In four months after the in 
auguration of President McKinley we had passed a tariff bill. For ten 
years the artificial agitation, in behalf of what was humorously called 
tariff reform, and of what was really free trade, had kept business in a fer 
ment, and had brought a treasury deficit, paralyzed industries, depression, 
panic, and, finally, continuous bad times to a degree never before imagined. 



84 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Would you know the result of our tariff legislation, look about you! Would 
you measure its success, recollect that it is no longer an issue; that our 
opponents, free traders as they are, do not dare to make it an issue; that 
there is not a State in the Union to-day which could be carried for free 
trade against protection. Never was a policy more fully justified by its 
works, never was a promise made by any party more absolutely fulfilled. 
(Applause.) 

Dominant among the issues of four years ago was that of our monetary 
and financial system. The Republican party promised to uphold our credit, 
to protect our currency from revolution, and to maintain the gold standard. 
(Applause.) We have done so. We have done more. We have been 
better than our promise. Failing to secure, after honest effort, any en 
couragement for international bimetallism, we have passed a law strength 
ening the gold standard and planting it more firmly than ever in our finan 
cial system, improving our banking laws, buttressing our credit, and re 
funding the public debt at two per cent, interest, the lowest rate in the 
world. (Applause). It was a great work well done. The only argument 
the Democrats can advance to-day in their own behalf on the money ques 
tion is that a Republican Senate, in the event of Democratic success, 
would not permit the repeal of a Republican law. (Laughter.) This is a 
precious argument when looked at with considerate eyes, and quite worthy 
of the intellects which produced it. Apply it generally. Upon this theory 
because we have defeated the soldiers of Spain and sunk her ships we can 
with safety dispense with the army and the navy which did the work. Take 
another example. There has been a fire in a great city; it has been checked 
and extinguished, therefore let us abolish the fire department and cease 
to insure our homes. (Laughter.) Distrust in our currency, the dread of 
change, the deadly fear of a debased standard were raging four years ago 
and business lay prostrate before them. Republican supremacy and Re 
publican legislation have extinguished the fires of doubt and fear and 
business has risen triumphant from the ashes. (Applause.) Therefore 
abolish your fire department, turn out the Republicans and put in power 
the incendiaries who lighted the flames and trust to what remains of Re 
publican control to avert fresh disaster. (Applause.) The proposition is 
its own refutation. The supremacy of the party that has saved the stand 
ard of sound money and guarded it by law is as necessary for its security 
and for the existence of honest wages and of business confidence now as 
it was in 1896. The moment the Republican party passes from power and 
the party of free silver and fiat paper comes in, stable currency and the 
gold standard, the standard of the civilized world, are in imminent and 
deadly peril. Sound currency and a steady standard of value are to-day safe 
only in Republican hands. (Applause.) 

But there were still other questions in 1896. We had already thwarted 
the efforts of the Cleveland administration to throw the Hawaiian Islands 
back to their dethroned Queen, and to give England a foothold for her 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 85 

cables in the group. We then said that we would settle finally the Hawaiian 
question. We have done so. The traditional American policy has been 
carried out. The flag of the Union floats to-day over the crossroads of the 
Pacific, and her representatives sit with you in this hall. (Applause.) 

We promised to deal with the Cuban question. Again comes the reply, 
we have done so. The long agony of the island is over. Cuba is free. 
(Applause.) But this great work brought with it events and issues which 
no man had foreseen, for which no party creed had provided a policy. The 
crisis came, bringing war in its train. The Republican President and the 
Republican Congress met the new trial in the old spirit. We fought the 
war with Spain. The result is history known of all men. (Applause.) 
We have the perspective now of only a short two years, and yet how clear 
and bright the great facts stand out, like mountain peaks against the sky, 
while the gathering darkness of a just oblivion is creeping fast over the 
low grounds where lie forgotten the trivial and unimportant things, the 
criticisms and the fault findings, which seemed so huge when we still 
lingered among them. Here they are, these great facts: a war of a hun 
dred days with many victories and no defeats, with no prisoners taken 
from us and no advance stayed, with a triumphant outcome startling in its 
completeness and in its world wide meaning. (Applause.) Was ever a 
war more justly entered upon, more quickly fought, more fully won, mere 
thorough in its results? (Applause.) Cuba is free. Spain has been driven 
from the Western Hemisphere. Fresh glory has come to our arms and 
crowned our flag. It was the work of the American people, but the 
Republican party was their instrument. (Applause.) Have we not the 
right to say that, here too, even as in the days of Abraham Lincoln, we 
have fought a good fight, we have kept the faith, we have finished the 
work. (Applause.) 

War, however, is ever like the sword of Alexander. It cuts the knots. 
It is a great solvent and brings many results not to be foreseen. The 
world forces unchained in war perform in hours the work of years of quiet. 
(Applause.) Spain sued for peace. How was that peace to be made? The 
answer to this great question had to be given by the President of the 
United States. We were victorious in Cuba, in Porto Rico, in the Phil 
ippines. Should we give these islands back fo Spain? Never! was the 
President s reply. (Applause.) Would any American wish that he had 
answered otherwise? Should we hand them over to some other power? 
Never! was again the answer. Would our pride and self respect as a na 
tion have submitted to any other reply? Should we turn the islands, 
where we had destroyed all existing sovereignty, loose upon the world 
to be a prey to domestic anarchy and the helpless spoil of some other na 
tion? Again the inevitable negative. (Applause.) Again the President 
answered as the nation he represented would have him answer. He boldly 
took the islands, took them knowing well the burden and responsibility; 
took them from a deep sense of duty to ourselves and others, guided by a 



86 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

just foresight as to our future in the East, and with an entire faith in the 
ability of the American people to grapple with the new task. (Applause.) 
When future Conventions point to the deeds by which the Republican 
party has made history, they will proclaim with special pride that under 
a Republican administration the war of 1898 was fought, and that the peace 
with Spain was the work of William McKinley. (Applause.) 

So much for the past. We are proud of it, but we do not expect to live 
upon it, for the Republican party is pre-eminently the party of action, 
and its march is ever forward. (Applause.) We are not so made that we 
can be content to retreat or to mark time. The traditions of the early days 
of our party are sacred to us, and are hostages given to the American 
people that we will not be unworthy of the great leaders who have gone. 
The deeds of yesterday are in their turn a pledge and a proof that what we 
promise we perform, and that the people who put faith in our declarations 
in 1896 were not deceived, and may place the same trust in us in 1900. 
(Applause.) But our pathway has never lain among dead issues, nor have 
we won our victories and made history by delving in political graveyards. 
(Applause.) We are the party of to-day, with cheerful yesterdays and 
confident to-morrows. (Applause.) The living present is ours, the pres 
ent of prosperity and activity in business, of good wages and quick pay 
ments, of labor employed and capital invested, of sunshine in the market 
place and the stir of abounding life in the workshop and on the farm. 
(Applause.) It is with this that we have replaced the depression, the 
doubts, the dull business, the low wages, the idle labor, the frightened 
capital, the dark clouds which overhung industry and agriculture in 1896. 
This is what we would preserve, so far as sound government and wise 
legislation can do it. This is what we brought to the country four years 
ago. This is what we offer now. 

Again, we promise that the protective system shall be maintained, and 
that our great industrial interests shall go on their way unshaken by the 
dire fear of tariff agitation and of changing duties. (Applause.) Again 
we declare that we will guard the national credit, uphold a sound currency 
based on gold, and keep the wages of the workingman, and the enter 
prise of the man of business, free from that most deadly of all evils, a 
fluctuating standard of value. (Applause.) The deficit which made this 
great country in a time of profound peace a borrower of money to meet 
its current expenditures has been replaced by abundant revenue, bringing 
a surplus, due alike to prosperity and to wise legislation, so ample that we 
can now safely promise a large reduction of taxation without imperilling 
our credit or risking a resort to loans. (Applause.) 

We are prepared to take steps to revive and build up our merchant 
marine, and thus put into American pockets the money paid for carrying 
American freights. (Applause.) Out of the abundant resources, which our 
financial legislation has brought us, we will build the Isthmian Canal, and 
lay the cables which will help to turn the current of Eastern trade to the 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 87 

Golden Gate. (Applause.) We are on good terms with all nations, and 
mean to remain so, while we promise to insure our peace and safety by 
maintaining the Monroe Doctrine, by ample coast defences and by building 
up a navy which no one can challenge with impunity. (Applause.) 

The new problems brought by the war we face with confidence in our 
selves, and a still deeper confidence in the American people, who will deal 
justly and rightly with the islands which have come into their charge. (Ap 
plause.) The outcry against our new possessions is as empty as the cant 
about militarism" and "imperialism" is devoid of sense and meaning. Re 
gard for a moment those who are loudest in shrieking that the American 
people are about to enter upon a career of oppression and that the Re 
public is in danger. Have they been in the past the guardians of freedom? 
Is safety for liberty now to be found most surely in the party which was 
the defender of domestic slavery? Is true freedom to be secured by the 
ascendancy of the party which beneath our very eyes seeks! to establish 
through infamous laws the despotic rule of a small and unscrupulous band 
of usurpers in Kentucky (applause), who trample there not upon the 
rights of the black men but of the whites (applause), and which seeks to 
extend the same system to North Carolina and Missouri? (Applause.) 
Has it suddenly come to pass that the Democratic party which to-day 
aims whenever it acquires power to continue in office by crushing out hon 
est elections and popular rule; has it indeed come to pass, I say, that that 
party is the chosen protector of liberty? If it were so the outlook would 
be black indeed. No! The party of Lincoln may best be trusted now, as 
in the past, to be true, even as he was true, to the rights of man and to 
human freedom, whether within the borders of the United States or in the 
islands which have come beneath our flag. (Applause.) The liberators may 
be trusted to watch over the liberated. (Applause.) We who freed Cuba 
will keep the pledge we made to her and will guide her along the road to 
independence and stable government until she is ready to settle her own 
future by the free expression of her people s will. (Applause.) We will 
be faithful to the trust imposed upon us, and if among those to whom this 
great work is confided in Cuba, or elsewhere, wrong doers shall be found, 
men not only bad in morals but dead to their duty as Americans and false 
to the honor of our name, we will punish these basest of criminals to the 
extent of the law. (Applause.) 

For the islands of Hawaii and Porto Rico the political problem has 
been solved, and by Republican legislation they have been given self gov 
ernment, and are peaceful and prosperous under the rule of the United 
States. (Applause.) 

In the Philippines we were met by rebellion, fomented by a self-seeking 
adventurer and usurper. The duty of the President was to repress that 
rebellion, to see to it that the authority of the United States, as rightful 
and as righteous in Manila as in Philadelphia, was acknowledged and 
obeyed. That harsh and painful duty President McKinley has performed 



88 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

firmly and justly, eager to resort to gentle measures whenever possible, 
unyielding when treachery and violence made force necessary. Unlike the op 
ponents of expansion we do not regard the soldiers of Otis and Lawton and 
MacArthur as "an enemy s camp." (Applause.) In our eyes they are the sol 
diers of the United States, they are our army, and we believe in them and will 
sustain them. (Applause.) Even now the Democrats are planning, if they 
get control of the House, to cut off appropriations for the army and thus 
compel the withdrawal of our troops from the Philippines. The result 
would be to force the retirement of such soldiers as would remain to Ma 
nila, and their retreat would be the signal for the massacre and plunder of 
the great body of the peaceful inhabitants of the islands who have trusted 
to us to protect and guard them. Such an event would be an infamy. (Ap 
plause.) 

Is the Government, is the House, to be given over to a party capable 
of such a policy? Shall they not rather be trusted to the party which will 
sustain the army and suppress the brigands and guerrillas who, under pre 
tence of war, are now adding so freely to the list of crimes committed 
in the name of liberty by usurpers and pretenders, and who, buoyed up 
by Democratic promises, keep up a highwayman s warfare in hope of 
Democratic success in November? It is for the American people to decide 
this question. Our position is plain. The restoration of peace and order 
now so nearly reached in the Philippines shall be completed. (Applause.) 
Civil government shall be established, and the people advanced as rapidly 
as possible along the road to entire freedom and to self-government under 
our flag. We will not abandon our task. We will neither surrender nor 
retreat. (Applause.) We will not write "failure" across this page of our 
history. We will do our duty, our full duty, to the people of the Philip 
pines, and strive by every means to give them freedom, contentment and 
prosperity. (Applause.) 

We have no belief in the old slaveholders doctrine that the Constitution 
of its own force marches into every newly acquired territory, and this 
doctrine, which we cast out in 1860, we still reject. (Applause.) We do 
not mean that the Philippines shall come without our tariff system or be 
come part of our body politic. We do mean that they shall, under 
our teaching, learn to govern themselves and remain under our flag with 
the largest possible measure of home rule. (Applause.) 

We make no "hypocritical pretence of being interested in the Philippines 
solely on account of others. While we regard the welfare of these people 
as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people first. We 
see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We believe in trade ex 
pansion. By every legitimate means within the province of government 
and legislation we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade and to 
open new markets. Greatest of all markets is China. Our trade there is 
growing by leaps and bounds. Manila, the prize of war, gives us inesti 
mable advantages in developing that trade. To-day, when our legations 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 89- 

are in danger, when our missionaries are assailed and our Consuls threat 
ened, it is well indeed that we have ships in the Bay of Manila and troops 
that we can send to protect our own. (Applause.) 

Manila is the corner-stone of our Eastern policy, and the brilliant di 
plomacy of John Hay in securing from all nations a guarantee of our treaty 
rights and of the open door in China rests upon it. (Applause.) 

We ask the American people whether they will throw away these new 
markets and widening opportunities for trade and commerce, by putting 
in power the Democratic party, who seek under cover of a newly discov 
ered affection for the rights of man, to give up these islands of the East 
and make Dewey s victory fruitless? The choice lies between this Demo 
cratic policy of retreat and the Republican policy which would hold the 
islands, give them freedom and prosperity, and enlarge these great oppor 
tunities for ourselves and our posterity. (Applause.) The Democratic 
attitude toward the Philippines rests wholly upon the proposition that the 
American people have neither the capacity nor the honesty to deal rightly 
with these islands. They assume that we shall fail. They fall down and 
worship a Chinese half-breed whose name they had never heard three years- 
ago, and they slander, and cry down, and doubt the honor of American 
soldiers and sailors, of Admirals and Generals, and public men who have 
gone in and out before us during an entire lifetime. (Applause.) 

We are true to our own. We have no distrust of the honor, the humanity, 
the capacity of the American people. (Applause.) To feel or do otherwise 
is to doubt ourselves, our government and our civilization. We take issue 
with the Democrats who would cast off the Philippines because the Ameri 
can people cannot be trusted with them, and we declare that the American; 
people can be trusted to deal justly, wisely and generously with these dis 
tant islands and will lift them up to a higher prosperity, a broader freedom 
and a nobler civilization than they have ever known. (Applause.) We have 
not failed elsewhere. We shall not fail here. (Applause.) 

Those are the questions we present to the American people in regard to 
the Philippines. Do they want such a humiliating change there as Demo 
cratic victory would bring? Do they want an even more radical change at. 
home? Suppose the candidate of the Democrats, the Populists, the foes 
of expansion, the dissatisfied and the envious should come into power,. 
what kind of an administration would he give us? What would his Cabinet 
be? Think what an electric spark of confidence would run through every 
business interest in the country when such a Cabinet was announced as 
we can readily imagine he would make. More important still we ask the 
American people whether they will put in the White House the hero of 
uncounted platforms, the prodigal spendthrift of words, the champion of 
free silver, the opponent of expansion, the assailant of the courts; or 
whether they will retain in the Presidency the Union soldier, the leader 
of the House of Representatives, the trained statesman who has borne vic 
toriously the heavy burdens of the last four years; the champion of protec- 



90 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

tion and sound money, the fearless supporter of law and order wherever 
the flag floats. (Applause.) 

But there is one question which we will put to the American people in 
this campaign which includes and outweighs all others. We will say to 
them, you were in the depths of adversity under the last administration; 
you are on the heights of prosperity to-day. Will that prosperity continue 
if you make a change in your President and in the party which administers 
your government? How long will your good times last if you turn out 
the Republicans and give political power to those who cry nothing but 
"Woe! Woe!" the lovers of calamity and foes of prosperity, who hold 
success in business to be a crime and regard thrift as a misdemeanor? If 
the Democrats should win do you think business would improve? Do 
you think prices would remain steady, that wages would rise and employ 
ment increase when the result of the election was known? Business con 
fidence rests largely upon sentiment. Do you think that sentiment would 
be a hopeful one the day after Bryan s election? Business confidence is a 
delicate plant. Do you think it would flourish with the Democratic party? 
Do you know that if Bryan were elected the day after the news was 
flashed over the country wages would go down, prices would decline, and 
that the great argosy of American business now forging ahead over calm 
waters, with fair breezes and with swelling canvass, would begin to take 
in sail and seek the shelter and anchorage of the nearest harbor? Do you 
not know from recent and bitter experience what that arrest of movement, 
that fear of the future, means? It means the contraction of business, the 
reduction of employment, the increase of the unemployed, lower wages, 
hard times, distress, unhappiness. 

We do not say that we have panaceas for every human ill. We do not 
claim that any policy we, or any one else, can offer will drive from the 
world sorrow and suffering and poverty, but we say that so far as govern 
ment and legislation can secure the prosperity and well being of the Ameri 
can people our administration and our policies will do it. (Applause.) 
We point to the adversity of the Cleveland years lying dark behind us. 
It has been replaced by the prosperity of the McKinley years. Let them 
make whatever explanation they will, the facts are with us. (Applause.) 

It is on these facts that we shall ask for the support of the American 
people. What we have done is known, and about what we intend to do 
there is neither secrecy nor deception. What we promise we will perform. 
(Applause.) Our old policies are here, alive, successful and full of vigor. 
Our new policies have been begun and for them we ask support. When 
the clouds of impending civil war hung dark over the country in 1861 we 
took up the great task then laid upon us and never flinched until we had 
carried it through to victory. (Applause.) Now at the dawn of a new 
century, with new policies and new opportunities opening before us in the 
bright sunshine of prosperity, we again ask the American people to entrust 
us with their future. We have profound faith in the people. (Applause.) 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 91 

We do not distrust their capacity to meet the new responsibilities even as 
they met the old, and we shall await with confidence, under the leadership 
of William McKinley, the verdict of November. (Applause.) 

PRESENTATION OF GAVELS, ETC. 

Mr. CHARLES H. CHILD, of Rhode Island. Mr. Chairman, I am directed 
to read the following letters: 

PROVIDENCE, R. I., June igth, 1900. 
To the HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, 

Chairman of the National Republican Convention. 

DEAR SIR: The Rhode Island Delegates and Alternates take great pleasure in pre 
senting you this gavel, which was ordered especially for this occasion; thinking it 
might be of some historical interest to you. 

The mahogany of which it is constructed was secured from the old State Capitol, 
the Tobin bronze is part of that used in the construction of the yacht Columbia, which 
was built at Bristol, R. I., by the Herreshoff Co. 

We trust you will value this as a souvenir of this National Republican Convention, 
of which you have the honor to be its chairman. 

Respectfully yours, 

Charles R. Brayton, Isaac M. Potter, 

Frank F. Carpenter, Elam Ward Olney, 

Charles H. Child, A. S. Babcock, 

Lucius B. Darling, W. E. Spink, 

William P. Buffum, JIenr3c.Jg. L __TlepJke, 

Joseph E. Fletcher, George L. Pierce, 

B. F. Robinson, Jr., Samuel L. Peck, 

Richard Thornley, Harry C. Curtis. 

TILDEN-THURBER CO. 

PROVIDENCE, June 6, 1900. 
MR. CHARLES H. CHILD, 

DEAR SIR: In response to your request, we beg to submit to you the following 
description of the gavel ordered of us to be presented to the Chairman of the National 
Republican Convention. 

We enclose herewith letters from the Herreshoff Mfg. Co. to the Howard Sterling 
Co., certifying that the Tobin bronze supplied to them was a part of the material used 
in the construction of the yacht Columbia. Also a guarantee from the Howard Sterling 
Co., that the material used in the construction of the special gavel is of the said bronze. 
We also certify that the mahogany in the gavel was secured from the Rhode Island 
State Capitol, which has just been vacated for the new building. Would also bring to 
your attention the printed matter on the case, which tells the story. 

Yours respectfully, 

TILDEN-THURBER CO. 

HERRESHOFF MANUFACTURING CO. 

BRISTOL, R. I., November 3, 1899. 
HOWARD STERLING CO., 

WM. H. LONERGAN, MGR., 

Providence, R. I. 

GENTLEMEN: We hereby certify that the Tobin Bronze Scrap you have purchased 
from us is a part of the material used in the construction of the yacht "COLUMBIA." 
that we have not sold any part of same to other parties, nor can other parties pur 
chase same of us. 

Respectfully, 

HERRESHOFF MFG. CO. 



92 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

HOWARD STERLING CO. 

PROVIDENCE, R. I., May 19, 1900. 
TILDEN-THURBER CO., 
City. 

GENTLEMEN: We hereby certify that the special gavel No. IODX is made of bronze 
purchased by us from Herreshoff Mfg. Co., and part of that which was used in con 
struction of yacht "Columbia." 

Yours respectfully, 

HOWARD STERLING COMPANY. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Colonel Child has presented to the Chair 
man of the Convention a gavel made in the manner he has described. The 
Chairman desires to thank him personally most sincerely for this com 
pliment from one of the sister States, but he is well aware that the compli 
ment is paid not to him personally, but as the representative of this great 
Convention. In its name he takes the liberty of thanking Col. Child 
and the State of Rhode Island for the gavel to be used during the sessions 
of the Convention. (Applause.) 

Mr. JOHN W. LANGLEY, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman, I desire to present 
a gavel from the mountains of Kentucky. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Kentucky is recog 
nized. 

Mr. JOHN W. LANGLEY, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of 
the Convention: Up among Kentucky s mountains, in the valley of the 
Big Sandy, there is a humble country home, wherein dwells an old man 
a soldier of Republicanism who has spent his life in battling for the re 
demption of Kentucky from the thraldom of Democracy. He lives at the 
foot of the hill upon whose summit the great Garfield won a general s star. 
(Applause.) That home is my home; that old man is my father. (Ap 
plause.) He has asked me, Mr. Chairman, to present this gavel to you. 
It is an unpretentious offering from a modest man, but to me the request 
bears the potency of a sovereign s decree. It was carved from the tree be 
side which Garfield stood during the battle of Middle Creek, Kentucky, 
and beside which he is said to have knelt and asked the God of Battles to 
give the victory \o the Union arms. 

Some of Indiana s soldier boys were in that battle (applause), and they 
displayed the same heroism and the same courageous devotion to duty 
that are now being displayed by Indiana s great Governor (applause) in 
giving asylum and protection to him who is the rightful Governor of 
Kentucky (applause), and who is an exile from his native State to-day, 
because if there he could not have enforced the constitutional guarantees 
of life, liberty and due process of law. I do not mean by this to assert 
that love of liberty is dead in Kentucky, for it still lives in the hearts of all 
true Kentuckians (applause) and is being suppressed only by unworthy 
leaders of the people. It will be strengthened by the news of the renomi- 
nation of McKinley. (Applause.) 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 93 

I present this gavel to you, Mr. Chairman, as a token of our continued 
devotion to Republican principles, and as a pledge that Kentucky s elec 
toral vote will be cast next November for McKinley and Roosevelt. (Ap 
plause.) 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair extends the thanks of the Con 
vention to the gentleman from Kentucky, who has presented to him this 
most interesting gavel. 

Mr. SEVER E. OLSON, of Minnesota. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of 
the Convention: At the last two National Conventions of the Republican 
party there was presented and utilized for the proper purpose a table, the 
handiwork of the young lads in the manual training class of the South 
Side High School, in the City of Minneapolis. In 1892 it was used at the 
National Republican Convention which that year assembled in our beautiful 
city and which was presided over by that matchless American, the most 
illustrious citizen of our time, who now is the President of the United 
States. (Applause.) The first imprint on its surface was made by his 
magic gavel. 

This table was made further historic by being used for a like purpose 
at the National Republican Convention which assembled in the City of 
St. Louis in 1896. 

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Convention, this pleasing duty has 
been assigned to me, and on behalf of the youthful craftsmen who con 
structed it, on behalf of our people who are proud of their skill, and on 
behalf of the delegation here present from the stalwart North Star State, 
I ask the privilege of placing this table at your service during the delibera 
tions of the Convention; and its acceptance by you will be a fitting recog 
nition of and encouragement to the educational and industrial interests of 
our country, which are always foremost and uppermost in the fostering 
care of the great Republican party. (Applause.) 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In the name of the Convention I accept 
the table already used at two prior Conventions, and beg to express to you, 
Mr. Olson, the thanks of the Convention for the kindness of Minnesota in 
again presenting the table to a Republican National Convention. (Ap 
plause.) 

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF 

BUSINESS. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the report 
of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. The gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Bingham) is recognized. 

Mr. HENRY H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I am directed 
by the Committee on Rules and Order of Business to report for your con 
sideration and action a body of rules for the governing of this Convention. 
It is needless for me to submit that the report of the committee is unanimous. 



94 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

It is proper to state that your committee adjourned subject to the call of 
the Chairman, so that should the Convention determine in any way to 
amend or change the rules submitted, the committee can act immediately. 

There have been many suggestions as to a change of the rules, especially 
on the basis of representation as now accepted by conventions upon the 
basis of votes cast in Congressional districts or other ways of representation. 
Your committee determined that the better and safer course was to adopt 
the rules which have governed the National Conventions of four and eight 
years ago, and to leave any new or additional rules to be the subject of your 
action here to-day. I will read the rules proposed: 

Rule I. The Convention shall consist of a number of delegates from each State 
equal to double the number of each Senator and Representative in Congress; six 
delegates each from the territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico and 
Oklahoma; four from Alaska, two from the District of Columbia and two from Hawaii. 

Rule II. The rules of the House of Representatives of the Fifty-sixth Congress 
shall be the rules of the Convention, so far as they are applicable and not inconsistent 
with the following rules: 

Rule III. When the previous question shall be demanded by a majority of the 
delegates from any State, and the demand is seconded by two or more States, and 
the call is sustained by a majority of the Convention, the question shall then be 
proceeded with, and disposed of according to the rules of the House of Representa 
tives in similar cases. 

Rule IV. A motion to suspend the rules shall be in order only when made by 
authority of a majority of the delegates from any State, and seconded by a majority 
of the delegates from not less than two other States. 

Rule V. It shall be in order to lay on the table a proposed amendment to a 
pending measure, and such motion, if adopted, shall not carry with it, or prejudice such 
measure. 

Rule VI. Upon all subjects before the Convention the States shall be called in 
alphabetical order and next the Territories, Alaska, the District of Columbia and Hawaii. 

Rule VII. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be disposed of before 
the report of the Committee on Resolutions is acted upon, and the report of the 
Committee on Resolutions shall be disposed of before the Convention proceeds to the 
nomination of a candidate for President and Vice-President. 

Rule VIII. When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand 
that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories, Alaska, The 
District of Columbia and Hawaii, the Secretary calling the roll of the States and 
Territories, Alaska, the District of Columbia and Hawaii, in the order heretofore 
established. 

Rule IX. In making the nomination for President and Vice-President in no case 
shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. \Vhen it appears at the close of any 
roll call that any candidate has received the majority of votes to which the Convention 
is entitled, the President of the Convention shall announce the question to be: "Shall 
the nomination of the candidate be made unanimous?" If no candidates shall have 
received such majority, the Chair shall direct the vote to be taken again, which shall 
be repeated until some candidate shall have received a majority of the votes and when 
any State has announced its votes it shall so stand, unless in case of numerical error. 

Rule X. In the record of the votes, the vote of each State, Territory, Alaska, the 
District of Columbia and Hawaii shall be announced by the Chairman, and in case 
the vote of any State, Territory, Alaska, the District of Columbia or Hawaii shall be 
divided, the Chairman shall announce the number of votes for any candidate, or for 
or against any proposition, but if exception is taken by any delegate to the correctness 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 95 

of such announcement by the chairman of his delegation, the President of the Con 
vention shall direct the roll of members of such delegation to be called, and the 
result shall be recorded in accordance with the vote individually given. 

Rule XI. No member shall speak more than once upon the same question, nor 
longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the Convention, except in the presenta 
tion of the names of candidates. 

Rule XII. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of 
one member from each State, Territory, Alaska, The District of Columbia and Hawaii. 
The roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, Alaska, the 
District of Columbia and Hawaii shall name, through its Chairman, a person who 
shall act as member of said Committee. Such Committee shall issue the call for the 
meeting of the National Convention within sixty days, at least, before the time fixed 
for said meeting, and each Congressional District in the United States shall elect its 
delegates to the National Convention in the same way as the nomination of a member 
for Congress is made in said District, and in Territories the delegates to the Conven 
tion shall be elected in the same way as a nomination of a delegate to Congress is made, 
and said National Committee shall prescribe the mode of selecting the delegates for the 
District of Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National 
Convention, to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in 
the same manner and at the same time as a delegate is elected. Delegates at large for 
each State and their alternates shall be elected by State Conventions in their respective 
States. 

Rule XIII. The Republican National Comfhittee is authorized and empowered to 
select an Executive Committee to consist of nine members, who may or may not be 
members of the National Committee. 

Rule XIV. All resolutions relating to the platform shall be referred to the Com 
mittee on Resolutions without debate. 

Rule XV. No person except members of the several delegations and officers of the 
Convention shall be admitted to that section of the hall apportioned to delegates. 

Rule XVI. The Convention shall proceed in the following order of business: 

First. Report of the Committee on Credentials. 

Second. Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. 

Third. Report of the Committee on Resolutions. 

Fourth. Naming members of National Committee. 

Fifth. Presentation of names of Candidates for President. 

Sixth. Balloting. 

Seventh. Presentation of names of Candidates for Vice President. 

Eighth. Balloting. 

Ninth. Call of the roll of States, Territories, Alaska, the District of Columbia and 
Hawaii for names of Delegates to serve respectively on Committees to notify the nominees 
for President and Vice-President of their selection for said offices. 

I move the adoption of the report of your committee. 

Mr. M. S. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amend 
ment to the report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business, to 
strike out Rule i and insert in lieu thereof what I send to the desk. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The amendment proposed by the gentle 
man from Pennsylvania will be stated. 

The READING CLERK. It is proposed to strike out Rule I and insert 
in lieu thereof the following: 



,96 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

That hereafter each State shall be entitled to four Delegates at Large and one addi 
tional Delegate for each ten thousand votes or majority fraction thereof cast at the last 
preceding Presidential election for Republican electors; and six Delegates from each 
organized Territory and the District of Columbia; and that the methods for the election 
of such defegates shall be provided for by the National Committee. 

Several delegates addressed the Chair. 

Mr. M. S. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I believe I still have the floor. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has the 
floor, and is entitled under the rule to five minutes. 

Mr QUAY, of Pennsylvania. If the amendment is adopted, Rule 12 will 
have to be modified to conform to Rule i, as amended. 

I desire, Mr. Chairman, to send to the desk and have read a statement 
showing the practical effect of the amendment. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania asks that 
a statement be read to the Convention by the reading clerk. If there is no 
objection the statement will be read. 

The READING CLERK proceeded to read the statement. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
desire to have the figures read? 

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I desire that they be read in order that 
delegates may understand on what the change proposed is based. 

The READING CLERK resumed the reading of the statement, and was in 
terrupted by 

Mr. JOHN McCLURE, of Arkansas. Mr. Chairman, I rise to a question of 
order. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Arkansas will state his 
point of order. 

Mr. McCLURE, of Arkansas. It is that under Rule 14 all resolutions 
relating to the platform shall be referred to the Committee on Resolutions 
without debate. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. This is not a resolution. It is an amend 
ment to the report of the Committee on Rules. 

The READING CLERK resumed the reading of the statement, which is as 
^follows : 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 97 

STATEMENT SHOWING 

Number of delegates according to present basis, as compared with basis 
of one delegate for each 10,000 votes, or majority fraction thereof, cast for 
President McKinley in 1896. Also, compared with the number of delegates 
based upon equal representation as stated, to which is added four delegates- 
at-large from each State. 



State. 



1896. 
Rep. Vote. 



. 



Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

M issouri 

Montana 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New Hampshire 

New Jersey 

New York 

North Carolina 

North Dakota 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania 

Rhode Island 

South Carolina 

South Dakota 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Utah 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

West Virginia 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 



54,787 

87,512 
146,170 

26,271 
110,285 

16,804 

11,288 

60,091 
6,824 
607,180 
828,754 
2X9,298 
159,541 
218,171 

22,087 

80,465 
186,959 
278,976 
298,582 
198,501 
5,180 
804,940 

10,494 

102,804 

1,938 

57,444 
221,367 
819,888 
155,222 

26,885 
525,991 

48,779 
728,800 

87,487 
9,281 

41,042 
148,778 
167,520 

18,484 

51,127 
185,36s 

89,158 
104,414 
268,1*5 

10,072 



22 
16 

18 
8 
12 
(i 
8 
26 
6 
48 
BO 
26 
20 
26 
16 
12 
16 
80 
28 
18 
is 

84 

6 

Iti 

6 

8 

20 

72 

22 

(i 

16 



5 

4 
15 
8 

11 

2 

1 

8 

1 

8] 

82 

2!t 

Hi 

22 

2 

8 

M 

28 

20 

lit 

1 

80 

1 

in 

1 

H 

22 

82 

16 

8 

58 

5 

78 

4 

1 

4 

15 

17 

1 

5 

14 

4 

K) 

27 
1 



714 



19 

7 
15 

6 

5 
10 

5 
65 
86 
33 
20 
26 

6 
12 
18 
32 
33 
23 

5 
34 

5 
14 

5 
10 
26 
86 
20 

7 
57 

9 
77 

8 

5 

8 
19 
21 

5 

9 
18 

8 
14 
31 

5 



i OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

STATEMENT SHOWING 

(a) Number of delegates in 1896 Convention from all the States, 894 

(&) Republican vote 1896 in all the States 7,104,779 

(c) Average vote per delegate - 7,947 

(d) Republican vote in 1896 in each State. 

(e) Vote per delegate in each State. 

(f) Number of delegates to which each State would be entitled upon 

equal basis of representation according to Republican vote in 1896. 



.States. 


1896 
Rep. Vote. 


Vote per 
Delegate. 


Present 
Basis No 
Delegates 


Equal 
Represen 
tation 
No. Del. 




54,737 


2,488 


22 


7 


Arkansas 


87,512 


2,345 


16 


5 


California 


146,170 


8,121 


18 


18 




26,171 


3,284 


g 






110,285 


9,190 


12 


14 




16,804 


2,801 


g 


2 


Florida 


11,288 


1,411 


g 


I 




60,091 


2,811 


26 


g 


Idaho 


6,824 


1,054 


g 


1 


Illinois 


607,180 


12,649 


48 


76 




823,754 


10,792 


80 


41 




289,293 


11,127 


26 


86 




159541 


7,977 


20 


20 


K6ntucky 


218,171 


8,391 


26 


27 




22,037 


1,877 


16 


3 


Maine 


80465 


6,705 


12 


in 




136,959 


8,560 


16 


17 




278976 


9,299 


80 


35 


Michigan 


298,582 


10,485 


28 


37 




198,501 


10,750 


18 


24 




5180 


285 


18 






304,940 


8,969 


84 


38 




10494 


1,749 


g 




Nebraska 


102,304 


6,394 


16 


13 




1 988 


328 


g 


1 




57444 


7 181 


g 


7 


New J6rsey 


221,367 


11,068 


20 


28 


New York 


819 838 


11,387 


72 


103 


North Carolina 


155,222 


7,056 


22 


20 


North Dakota 


26,335 


4,889 


g 


3 


Ohio 


525,991 


11,435 


46 


66 




48,779 


6,097 


g 


g 




728800 


11 880 


64 


92 


Rhode Island 


37,437 


4,680 


g 


5 




9281 


516 


18 


I 




41 042 


5180 


g 


5 




148,778 


6199 


24 


19 


Texas 


167,520 


5,584 


80 


21 




13,484 


2,247 


g 


2 




51,127 


6391 


g 


g 


Virginia 


135,368 


5,640 


24 


17 


Washington 


39,158 


4894 


g 


5 


West Virginia 


104,414 


8,701 


12 


13 


Wisconsin 


268,135 


11,172 


24 


34 


Wyoming 


10,072 


1 679 


g 


1 


















894 


893 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 99 

The reading of the statement was interrupted by 

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, the reading of the state 
ment will be somewhat protracted. The amendment involves a very radical 
change in the base of representation, and the Convention can scarcely, 
from the bare reading of the statement by the clerk at the desk, know ex 
actly what it is proposed to vote on, if we proceed to take a vote now. 

I suggest to the distinguished Chairman of the Committee on Rules and 
Order of Business that a vote be now taken upon every rule except Rule 
I and Rule 12, and that the reading of the statement be suspended. (Cries 
of "platform!") 

Mr. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Delegates here request that the gen 
tleman from Pennsylvania take the platform, so that we can hear what he 
has to say. 

Mr. Quay ascended the platform, and was greeted with prolonged cheer 
ing. 

THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair begs that order will be preserved. 
Otherwise the absolute suspension of business will be necessary. 

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. The suggestion which I desire to make to 
the Chair is that the clerk suspend the reading of the statement, which is 
somewhat prolix. It will appear in the newspapers of this city in the even 
ing, as a matter of course, in connection with the proceedings of the Con 
vention. I suggest to the distinguishes Chairman of the Committee on 
Rules and Order of Business that he have a vote upon the adoption of every 
rule except Rule i and Rule 12, which alone are affected by this amendment, 
and allow those two rules to stand over until the meeting of the Conven 
tion to-morrow morning, when I will call them up for the deliberate action 
of the Convention. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania requests 
that Rules I and 12, the only rules affected by his amendment, may be 
passed over for the present and their consideration postponed until to 
morrow, and that the remainder of the report of the Committee on Rules 
and Order of Business be now acted upon. Is there objection? 

SEVERAL DELEGATES. I object. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Objection is made. It is the right of the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania to demand a division of the question. The 
matter of postponement can only be the subject of a separate motion. The 
Chair submitted it in the form of a request for unanimous consent. 

Mr. JOHN E. McCALL, of Tennessee. Mr. Chairman, there is opposition 
to this amendment, and we desire to be heard fully before the Convention 
is asked or required to submit to a vote on a question so important and 
vital to Southern Republicans. (Applause.) If it is the purpose to have 
the amendment passed over until to-morrow, in order that we may be 
heard fully, we will submit; but if it is the purpose to cut off debate, so that 



100 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

the Convention may not understand fully what is meant by the amendment, 
we desire to be heard now. 

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I will say to the delegate from Tennessee 
that it is in order that the amendment may be fully understood that I sug 
gested a postponement of its consideration until to-morrow. 

Mr. JOHN R. LYNCH, of Mississippi. In order that the Convention may 
have before it every phase of this question, I desire to submit a proposition, 
which has a direct bearing upon the question, as a substitute for the amend 
ment proposed by Mr. Quay. Let it be read, and then let them go over 
and be considered together. I offer this as a substitute, and desire to 
have it read from the desk. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Mississippi has a 
right to offer a substitute. The substitute proposed by the gentleman from 
Mississippi for the amendment offered by the gentleman from Pennsyl 
vania (Mr. QUAY) will be read. 

The READING CLERK read as follows: 

"In any State wherein the right to vote is denied to any of the male inhabitants 
thereof on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, or wherein said 
right is in any. way abridged for the same reason, representation in Congress should be 
reduced in the proportion which the whole number of male inhabitants so deprived of 
the right to vote shall bear to the whole number of male inhabitants twenty-one years 
of age in such State." 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the substi 
tute submitted by the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. LYNCH) for the 
amendment proposed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. QUAY). 

Mr. LYNCH, of Mississippi. If it is the desire of the Convention to post 
pone this matter until to-morrow, I shall have nothing more to say to-day. 

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I have no objection to 

Mr. LYNCH, of Mississippi. When it does come up we want to be heard 
fully. 

Mr. FLAVEL McGEE, of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of 
order. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Jersey rises to 
a point of order. The gentleman will state his point of order. 

Mr. McGEE, of New Jersey. The point of order is that the amendment 
is not germane to the matter before the Convention. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair sustains the point of order. It 
is clearly not germane to the report of the Committee on Rules and Order 
of Business. The gentleman from Pennsylvania demands a division. 

Mr. H. H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. On that question the Chairman of the Com 
mittee desires to be heard. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 101 

Mr. P. L. SOPER, of the Indian Territory. With the consent of the hon 
orable gentleman from Pennsylvania, I move to strike out the word "or 
ganized," preceding the word "Territory." The Indian Territory has 450,- 
ooo people, and it is governed directly by Congress. It certainly should 
have representation in conventions. 

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I suggest that the word "organized? ^e 
stricken out by unanimous consent. There is no objection to striking nt 
out. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the word "organized," 
before the word "Territory," will be stricken out. That suggestion is ac 
cepted by the mover of the amendment. The amendment offered by the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania now reads as modified at the suggestion of 
the gentleman from the Indian Territory. 

Mr. H. H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. As I stated to the Convention in 
the few remarks I made, the general proposition of representation had no 
consideration before your committee, for the reason that it was not submit 
ted. The committee adjourned subject to the call of the Chairman, in order 
that any action of the Convention which would send the rules back could be 
duly considered. 

However, the gentleman, under the rules of the House of Representa 
tives, of his own right demands a division of the question, and asks that 
Rule i and Rule 12, with his amendment and such other amendments as 
may be in order, go over until to-morrow. As the body of rules are neces 
sary for the government of the Convention in permanent organization, I 
think it wise to accept a division of the question and to ask for the adop 
tion of all of the rules except Rule I and Rule 12. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The request is made that the consideration 
of Rule i and Rule 12 may be postponed until to-morrow, and that the other 
rules may be disposed of at this time. 

Mr. GEORGE H. WHITE, of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman, I desire to 
have Rules i and 12 re-read. , 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The rules have already been read from the 
desk. Does the gentleman from North Carolina ask that they be read 
again? 

Mr. GEORGE H. WHITE, of North Carolina. I ask that Rule i and Rule 
12 be re-read, so that we may thoroughly understand the distinction. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Rules i and 12 will be read again, at the 
request of the gentleman from North Carolina. 

The READING CLERK read as follows: 

Rule I. The Convention shall consist of a number of delegates from each State 
equal to double the number of each Senator and Representative in Congress; six dele 
gates each from the Territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico and Okla 
homa; four from Alaska, two from the District of Columbia and two from Hawaii. 



102 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Rule XII. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one 
member from each State, Territory, Alaska, the District of Columbia and Hawaii. The 
roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, Alaska, the District 
of Columbia and Hawaii shall name, through its Chairman, a person who shall act as 
member of said Committee. Such Committee shall issue the call for the meeting of the 
National Convention within sixty days, at least, before the time fixed for said meeting, 
and each Congressional District in the United States shall elect its delegates to the 
National Convention in the same way as the nomination of a member for Congress is 
made in said District, and in Territories the delegates to the Convention shall be elected 
in the same way as a nomination of a delegate to Congress is made, and said National 
Committee shall prescribe the mode of selecting the delegates for the District of 
Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act 
in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same manner and at the 
same time as a delegate is elected. Delegates at large for each State and their alternates 
shall be elected by State Conventions in their respective States. 

Mr. JOHN E. McCALL, of Tennessee. I rise to ask a question for infor 
mation. Is the motion to defer until to-morrow debatable? If so I desire 
to be heard in opposition to it. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair supposes it is open to debate, 
it being a motion to refer to a time certain. 

Mr. McCALL, of Tennessee. Then I desire to be heard. 

Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. I make the point of order that 
there is no motion to refer before the Convention. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Unanimous consent has been asked that 
Rules i and 12 be passed over until to-morrow, and that the remainder 
of the report be now disposed of. 

Mr. PAYNE, of New York. That is true. Unanimous consent 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair now submits to the Convention 
the request for unanimous consent. 
Mr. PAYNE, of New York. That was objected to. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. 
QUAY) requests that Rules i and 12 be passed over until to-morrow, and 
that they be made the unfinished business, and that the remainder of the 
report be disposed of now. Is there objection? 

Mr. McCALL, of Tennessee. I desire to ask a question for information. 
Will this matter, if passed over until to-morrow, be disposed of before the 
nominations of candidates for President and Vice President are made? 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In the opinion of the Chair it will come up 
the first thing in the morning as the unfinished business. 
Mr. McCALL, of Tennessee. I have no further objection. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request as stated 
by the Chair? 

Mr. JOHN McCLURE, of Arkansas. I object. 




HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana, 
Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 103 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Objection is made. The question recurs on 
agreeing to the amendment offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania to 
Rule i. 

Mr. SYDNEY E. MUDD, of Maryland. I move that the consideration of 
the amendments which have been offered be postponed, to come up imme 
diately after the convening of this body to-morrow. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. 
MUDD) moves that Rules i and 12, with the proposed amendments, be post 
poned until to-morrow, to come up immediately after the assembling of the 
Convention. 

Mr. T. B. WALL, of Kansas. On behalf of Kansas, I second the motion. 

Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I second the motion on the part of Penn 
sylvania. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The motion being duly seconded, the ques 
tion is on postponing Rules i and 12, with the proposed amendments, until 
to-morrow immediately after the assembling of the Convention. 

The motion was agreed to. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question recurs on agreeing to the 
motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania to adopt the remainder of 
the report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. 

The motion was agreed to. 

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the report of 
the Committee on Resolutions. 

Mr. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from 
Indiana. 

Mr. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana, read the report of the Com 
mittee on Resolutions, as follows: 

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM 1900. 

The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen representa 
tives, met in National Convention, looking back upon an unsurpassed 
record of achievement and looking forward into a great field of duty and 
opportunity, and appealing to the judgment of their countrymen, make these 
declarations: 

The expectation in which the American people, turning from the Demo 
cratic party, entrusted power four years ago to a Republican Chief Magis 
trate and a Republican Congress, has been met and satisfied. When the 
people then assembled at the polls, after a term of Democratic legislation 
and administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed and the National 
credit disastrously impaired. The country s capital was hidden avray and 



104 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

its labor distressed and unemployed. The Democrats had no other plan 
with which to improve the ruinous conditions which they had themselves 
produced than to coin silver at the ratio of sixteen to one. The Republican 
party, denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse than 
those from which relief was sought, promised to restore prosperity by 
means of two legislative measures a protective tariff and a law making 
gold the standard of value. The people by great majorities issued to the Re 
publican party a commission to enact these laws. This commission has 
been executed, and the Republican promise is redeemed. Prosperity more 
general and more abundant, than we have ever known has followed these 
enactments. There is no longer controversy as to the value of any Gov 
ernment obligations. Every American dollar is a gold dollar or its assured 
equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that of any other nation. 
Capital is fully employed and labor everywhere is profitably occupied. No 
single fact can more strikingly tell the story of what Republican Govern 
ment means to the country than this That while during the whole period 
of one hundred and seven years from 1790 to 1897 there was an excess of 
exports over imports of only $383,028,497, there has been in the short three 
years of the present Republican administration an excess of exports over 
imports in the enormous sum of $1,483,537,094. 

And while the American people, sustained by this Republican legislation, 
have been achieving these splendid triumphs in their business and com 
merce, they/have conducted and in victory concluded a war for liberty and 
human rights. No thought of National aggrandizement tarnished the high 
purpose with which American standards were unfurled. It was a war un 
sought and patiently resisted, but when it came the American Government 
was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action. Its armies were in the field, 
and the quick and signal triumph of i$s forces on land and sea bore equal 
tribute to the courage of American soldiers and sailors, and to the skill and 
foresight of Republican statesmanship. To ten millions of the human race 
there was given "a new birth of freedom," and to the American people a 
new and noble responsibility. 

We endorse the administration of William McKinley. Its acts have been 
established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and abroad it has 
distinctly elevated and extended the influence of the American nation. 
Walking untried paths and facing unforeseen responsibilities, President Mc 
Kinley has been in every situation the true American patriot and the upright 
statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, firm in action, always in 
spiring and deserving the confidence of his countrymen. 

In asking the American people to indorse this Republican record and 
to renew their commission to the Republican party, we remind them of the 
fact that the menace to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic 
principles, and no less in the general incapacity of the Democratic party to 
conduct public affairs. The prime essential of business prosperity is public 
confidence in the good sense of the Government and in its ability to deal 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 105 

intelligently with each new problem of administration and legislation. That 
confidence the Democratic party has never earned. It is hopelessly inade 
quate, and the country s prosperity, when Democratic success at the polls 
is announced, halts and ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic blunders 
and failures. 

We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold standard and declare 
our confidence in the wisdom of the legislation of the Fifty-sixth Congress 
by which the parity of all our money and the stability of our currency upon 
a gold basis has been secured. We recognize that interest rates are a po 
tent factor in production and business activity, and for the purpose of 
further equalizing and of further lowering the rates of interest, we favor 
such monetary legislation as will enable the varying needs of the season 
and of all sections to be promptly met in order that trade may be evenly 
sustained, labor steadily employed and commerce enlarged. The volume 
of money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is to-day. We 
declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited coinage of silver. 
No measure to that end could be considered which was without the support 
of the leading commercial countries of the world. However firmly Repub 
lican legislation may seem to have secured the country against the peril 
of base and discredited currency, the election of a Democratic President 
could not fail to impair the country s credit and to bring once more into 
question the intention of the American people to maintain upon the gold 
standard the parity of their money circulation. The Democratic party must 
be convinced that the American people will never tolerate the Chicago 
platform. 

We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest co-operation of 
capital to meet new business conditions and especially to extend our rapidly 
increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies and combinations 
intended to restrict business, to create monopolies, to limit production, or 
to control prices; and favor such legislation as will effectively restrain and 
prevent all such abuses, protect and promote competition and secure the 
rights of producers, laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and com 
merce. 

We renew our faith in the policy of Protection to American labor. In 
that policy our industries have been established, diversified and maintained. 
By protecting the home market competition has been stimulated and pro 
duction cheapened. Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has 
been secured and wages in every department of labor maintained at high 
rates, higher now than ever before, and always distinguishing our working 
people in their better conditions of life from those of any competing coun 
try. Enjoying the blessings of the American common school, secure in 
the right of self-government and protected in the occupancy of their own 
markets, their constantly increasing knowledge and skill have enabled them 
to finally enter the markets of the world. We favor the associated policy 



106 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

of reciprocity so directed as to open our markets on favorable terms for 
what we do not ourselves produce in return for free foreign markets. 
\s In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more effective 
restriction of the immigration of cheap labor from foreign lands, the ex 
tension of opportunites of education for working children, the raising of the 
age limit for child labor, the protection of free labor as against contract 
convict labor, and an effective system of labor insurance. 

Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our 
foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of this country. It is also 
a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the event of 
European war would seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. 
The National defense and naval efficiency of this country, moreover, supply 
a compelling reason for legislation which will enable us to recover our 
former place among the trade carrying fleets of the world. 

The Nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors 
who have fought its battles, and it is the Government s duty to provide for 
the survivors and for the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in 
the country s wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should 
be liberal and should be liberally administered; and preference should be 
given wherever practicable with respect to employment in the public service 
to soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. 

We commend the policy of the Republican party in the efficiency of the 
Civil Service. The Administration has acted wisely in its efforts to secure 
for public service in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands 
only those whose fitness has been determined by training and experience. 
We believe that employment in the public service in these territories should 
be confined as far as practicable to their inhabitants. 

It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution 
to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the 
elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory or 
constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revo 
lutionary, and should be condemned. 

Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the roads 
and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recom 
mend this subject to the earnest consideration of the people and of the 
Legislatures of the several States. 

^ We favor the extension of the Rural Free Delivery service wherever its 
extension may be justified. 

In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican party to 

provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend a_dec[uate national 

legislation to reclaim th..arjjJLJa"dQ of the United States, reserving control 

oTThe distribution of water for irrigation to the respective States and ter- 

/ ritories. 

We favor home rule for, and the early admission to statehood of the 
Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 107 

The Dingley Act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the conduct 
of the war, has so well performed its work that it has been possible to re 
duce the war debt in the sum of $40,000,000. So ample are the Govern 
ment s revenues and so great is the public confidence in the integrity of its 
obligations that its newly-funded two per cent, bonds sell at a premium. 
The country is now justified in expecting, and it will be the policy of the 
Republican party to bring about, a reduction of the war taxes. 
^ We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of an 
Isthmian Canal by the Government of the United States. New markets 
are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm products. Every effort 
should be made to open and obtain new markets, especially in the Orient, 
and the Administration is warmly to be commended for its successful effort 
to commit all trading and colonizing nations to the policy of the open door 
in China. 

In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that Congress 
create a Department of Commerce and Industries in the charge of a Sec 
retary with~a seat in~ tTie^-CatnTfeTT The United States Consular system 
should be reorganized under the supervision of this new Department upon 
such a basis of appointment and tenure as will render it still more service 
able to the Nation s increasing trade. 

The American Government must protect the person and property of 
every citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril. 

We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid record of 
public service in the volunteer aid association and as nurses in camp and 
hospital during the recent campaigns of our armies in the Eastern and West 
ern Indies, and we appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of edu 
cation and industry. 

President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United 
States with distinguished credit to the American people. In releasing us 
from the vexatious conditions of a European alliance for the government 
of Samoa, his course is especially to be commended. By securing to our 
undivided control the most important island of the Samoan group and the 
best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest has been safe 
guarded. 

\s We approve the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. 
r L We commend the part taken by our Government in the Peace Confer 
ence at the Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy an 
nounced in the Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of the Hague Conven 
tion were wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his friendly 
offices in the interest of peace between Great Britain and the South African 
Republic. While the American Government must continue the policy pre 
scribed by Washington, affirmed by every succeeding President and im 
posed upon us by the Hague treaty of non-intervention in European con 
troversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way may soon be 



108 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

found, honorable alike to both contending parties, to terminate the strife 
between them. 

In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibility of our victories 
in the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the undoubted ap 
proval of the American people. No other course was possible than to de 
stroy Spain s sovereignty throughout the Western Indies and in the Philip 
pine Islands. That course created our responsibility before the world, and 
with the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed from 
Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the estab 
lishment of good government and for the performance of international ob 
ligations. Our authority could not be less than our responsibility; and 
wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty of the 
Government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection and 
to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued 
peoples. 

The largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and 
our duties shall be secured to them by law. 

To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same 
voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be per 
formed. 

The Republican party, upon its history, and upon this declaration of princi 
ples and policies confidently invokes the considerate and approving judg 
ment of the American people. 

CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, 

EDWARD ROSEWATER, Chairman. 

Secretary. 

Mr. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana. By direction of the Commit 
tee on Resolutions, I move the adoption of the report, and upon that I 
demand the previous question. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The previous question is demanded by the 
gentleman from Indiana. Is it seconded? Under the rules two States must 
second the demand. 

Mr. W. J. SEWELL, of New Jersey. I do not think there is a particle of 
objection to it. Unanimous consent will be given. 

Mr. H. C. HANSBROUGH, of North Dakota. On behalf of North Dako-ta 
I second the demand. 

Mr. ROBERT METZGER, of Indiana, I second the demand on the part of 
Indiana, 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The demand being duly seconded, the 
question is, shall the previous question be ordered? 

The previous question was ordered. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the re 
port of the Committee on Resolutions. 

The report was unanimously agreed to. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 109 

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE. 

Mr. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business is the nomination of 
members of the National Republican Committee. 

Mr. FORAKER, of Ohio. I was about to make a motion to adjourn. In 
view of the announcement just made by the Chairman, I will withhold the 
motion until the business can be transacted. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The roll of States, etc., will be called for 
National Committeemen. The chairman of each delegation is requested to 
announce the name of the member of the National Republican Committee 
from his State, Territory or the District of Columbia. 

The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll of States, etc. 

Mr. P. D. BARKER, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). Owing to 
the contest, which was only settled this morning, our delegation has not 
been able to agree on the member of the National Committee. 

Mr. W. T. BURNS, of Texas (when Texas was called). I ask that Texas 
be passed for the time being. 

Mr. H. M. WELLS, of Utah (when Utah was called). On the question 
of National Committeeman, the delegation is divided, one half being in 
favor of O. J. Salisbury and the other in favor of W. T. McCornick. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Utah will be passed, the delegation being 
equally divided. 

The call of the roll of States, etc., was concluded. As finally made up 
the National Republican Committee is as follows: 

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE. 

Alabama J. W. DIMMICK 

Arkansas POWELL CLAYTON 

California W. C. VAN FLEET 

Colorado EDWARD O. WOLCOTT 

Connecticut CHARLES F. BROOKER 

Delaware JOHN EDWARD ADDICKS 

Florida JOHN G. LONG 

Georgia JUDSON W. LYONS 

Idaho GEORGE L. SHOUP 

Illinois GRAEME STEWART 

Indiana HARRY S. NEW 

Iowa ERNEST E. HART 

Kansas DAVID W. MULVANE 

Kentucky JOHN W. YERKES 

Louisiana A. T. WIMBERLY 

Maine JOSEPH H. MANLEY 

Maryland L. E. McCOMAS 

Massachusetts GEO. VAN L. MEYER 

Michigan WILLIAM H. ELLIOTT 

Minnesota THOMAS H. SHEVLIN 

Mississippi H. C. TURLEY 

Missouri.. ..RICHARD C. KERENS 



110 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Montana WILLIAM H. DsWITT 

Nebraska R. B. SNYDER 

Nevada P. L. FLANNIGAN 

New Hampshire CHAS. S. MEANS 

New Jersey FRANKLIN MURPHY 

New York FREDERICK S. GIBBS 

North Carolina J. E. BOYD 

North Dakota ALEX. McKENZIE 

Ohio GEORGE B. COX 

Oregon GEORGE A. STEED 

Pennsylvania MATTHEW S. QUAY 

Rhode Island CHAS. R. BRAYTON 

South Carolina E. A. \VEBSTER 

South Dakota A. M. GREEN 

Tennessee WALTER P. BROWNLOW 

Texas R. B. HAWLEY 

Utah O. J. SALISBURY 

Vermont JAMES W. BROCK 

Virginia GEO. E. BOWDEN 

Washington GEO. H. BAKER 

West Virginia N. B. SCOTT 

Wisconsin HENRY C. PAYNE 

Wyoming WILLIS VAN DEVANTER 

District of Columbia M. M. PARKER 

Alaska JOHN G. HEID 

Arizona . WILLIAM M. GRIFFITH 

Indian Territory WM. M. MELLETTE 

New Mexico SOLOMON LUNA 

Oklahoma WILLIAM GRIMES 

Hawaii HAROLD M. SEWALL 

(Note: When the name of Hon. M. S. Quay was announced as member 
of the Republican National Committee from Pennsylvania, he was tendered 
an ovation lasting several minutes. Ed.) 

HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The roll of States, etc., will now be called 
for honorary Vice-Presidents of the Convention. 

The roll of States, etc., was called. As finally made up the list of Hon 
orary Vice-Presidents is as follows: 

Alabama FRANK H. LOTHROP 

Arkansas CHAS. D. GRAVES 

California H. G. BOND 

Colorado W. S. STRATTON 

Connecticut JOSEPH R. HAWLEY 

Delaware HIRAM R. BURTON 

Florida H. S. CHUBB 

Georgia J. J. HAMILTON 

Idaho L. L. ORMSBEE 

Illinois CHAS. H. DEERE 

Indiana JAMES A. MOUNT 

Iowa CHAS. M. HINSDALE 

Kansas W. S. METCALF 

Kentucky R. P. STOLL 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. m 

Louisiana W. J. BEHAN 

Maine WALDO PETTINGILL 

Maryland W. E. MALSTER 

Massachusetts F. W. ROCKWELL 

Michigan REA BARKER 

Minnesota GEO. FITZ SIMMONS 

Mississippi F. W. COLLINS 

Missouri NATHAN FRANK 

Montana DAVID E. FOLSOM 

Nebraska JNO. D. HASKELL 

Nevada M. C. McMILLAN 

New Hampshire FRANK JONES 

New Jersey F. M. VOORHEES 

New York FRANK S. BLACK 

North Carolina S. B. ADAMS 

North Dakota H. L. HOLMES 

Ohio JAMES BARNETT 

Oregon F. S. STANLEY 

Pennsylvania SAMUEL B. DICK 

Rhode Island W. P. BUFFUM 

South Carolina JOHN F. JONES 

South Dakota A. H. BETTS 

Tennessee JOHN J. GRAHAM 

Texas JOHN GRANT 

Utah ARTHUR BROWN 

Vermont HENRY C. BATES 

Virginia W. C. FRANKLIN 

Washington N. B. COFFMAN 

West Virginia S. H. GRAMM 

Wisconsin J. H. STOUT 

Wyoming DsFORREST RICHARDS 

District of Columbia J. E. JONES 

Alaska W. D. GRANT 

Arizona J. W. DORRINGTON 

Indian Territory LEO E. BENNETT 

New Mexico W. H. LLEWELLYN 

Oklahoma D. F. FLYNN 

Hawaii SAMUEL PARKER 

ADJOURNMENT. 

Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. I move that the Convention adjourn 
until 10 o clock to-morrow morning. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the motion 
of the gentleman from Ohio that the Convention adjourn until 10 o clock 
to-morrow morning. 

The motion was agreed to, and (at 3 o clock and 12 minutes P. M.) the 
Convention adjourned until to-morrow, Thursday, June 21, 1900. at IO 
o clock A. M. 



THIRD DAY 

PRAYER BY ARCHBISHOP RYAN REPORT OF COMMITTEE 
ON RULES ADOPTED NOMINATION OF WILLIAM Mo 
KINLEY FOR PRESIDENT ADDRESSES BY SENATOR 
FORAKER, OF OHIO, GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT, OF NEW 
YORK, JOHN W. YERKES, OF KENTUCKY, GEORGE A. 
KNIGHT, OF CALIFORNIA, GOVERNOR MOUNT, OF INDI 
ANATHE VOTE FOR PRESIDENT NOMINATION OF 
THEODORE ROOSEVELT FOR VICE PRESIDENT AD 
DRESSES BY LAFAYTTE YOUNG, OF IOWA, M. J. MURRAY, 
OF MASSACHUSETTS, J. M. ASHTON, OF WASHINGTON- 
SENATOR DEPEW, OF NEW YORK THE VOTE FOR VICE 
PRESIDENT RESOLUTIONS VACANCIES ON NATIONAL 
COMMITTEE THANKS TO OFFICERS OF THE CONVEN 
TION-THANKS TO THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA-COM 
MITTEES TO NOTIFY THE CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT 
AND VICE PRESIDENT ADJOURNMENT. 



CONVENTION HALL 

PHILADELPHIA, PENNA., Thursday, June 21, 1900. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (at 10 o clock and 36 minutes A. M.)- The 
Convention will come to order. Most Rev. Archbishop Ryan will offer 
prayer. 

PRAYER OF MOST REV. P. J. RYAN, ARCHBISHOP OF PHILA 
DELPHIA. 

Most Rev. Archbishop P. J. Ryan, of Philadelphia, offered the following 
prayer : 

In the spirit of deep reverence and filial affection let us pray to the 
Father, and the Son and the Holy Ghost. O Eternal and Most Sacred God! 
Father, Son and Holy Spirit, we believe Thee here present. We adore 
Thee. We praise Thee. We thank Thee. We lift our voices to Thee, 
Father, in the prayer given to us by Thy Son: Our Father who art in 
Heaven, hallowed beyThy name. Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done 

112 




HON. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio, 
Who Made the Address Nominating William McKinley for President. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 113 

on earth as it is in Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive 
us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us. Lead us 
not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. Amen. And Thou, O Eter 
nal Son of the Father, "the figure of his substance and the splendor of Kis 
high glory," the light of light, who enlightens every man who cometh into 
this World, Thou who as I speak, sitteth at the right hand of the Father; O 
Son of the living God, bless this mighty assembly, bless this nation and its 
rulers. Send down Wisdom that sitteth by Thy throne that she may illu 
mine the intellects and purify the hearts of the whole people and their rulers, 
that she may suggest that which will be permanently useful to the great 
body of the people, that she may elevate above all personal and mere 
party considerations the great ruling power and give to it a consciousness 
of the awful responsibility of being minister of God s power to His people, 
because from Thee, O Lord, through the people, come all power and do 
minion, and therefore the temporal ruler is also the minister of the Most 
High. Elevate the intellects and hearts and feelings to this plane on which 
alone and from which alone humanity can be ruled, and men bow to the 
authority of their fellow men, as wielding Thy delegated power. 

And Thou, O Spirit of God, spirit of unity, spirit of love, who proceeds 
from the Father and the Son, O Thou who restored order amid chaos, in 
the morning of the creation, grant order and unity to this great people, 
and preserve its institutions. As at Pentecost, when Thou didst descend 
and all the various nations of the earth heard, each man in his own tongue, 
the wonderful works of God, and the unity lost at Babel was restored in 
Jerusalem, so may the congregated races of this land hear the one voice of 
authority and obey it. And may there be not only a union of authority, 
but a union of affection. Let us love one another. 

Let all the people, in this land unite; we are all of the same destiny, 
alike in joy, alike in suffering, travelling through the dark passes of this 
valley of tears; let all love one another as we have so much in common. 
And also, O Spirit of God, if in the past there have been any races to 
whom this charity has not been extended, in the future let it be manifested. 
Let not the people whose fathers were enslaved, be made to feel their in 
feriority. The children of the forest, whose fathers once owned the glorious 
mountains and rivers and rich plains and laughing valleys of this land, O 
let them also be considered more favorably. Let us discharge faithfully and 
perseveringly our duty towards them. 

O Eternal Spirit, spirit of love, spirit of unity, banish all religious big 
otry from this glorious young nation. Let us all, whilst prepared to die for 
every doctrine in which we pelieve, not allow this to interfere with our 
brotherly affection. As our Divine Lord who said "salvation is of the 
Jews," did also give to man for all time the heterodox Samaritan as the 
example of true fraternal affection, so would he have us know that differ 
ence of religion should not impede practical common works of charity. 
8 



114 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

In fine, O Spirit of God, look down upon this united people. O 
look down upon the blood that leaps through its veins, the rejuvenated 
blood of the old races that Thou didst bless in the past. Give us love for 
Thee, loyalty to Thee, our God, loyalty to our country, loyalty to the com 
mon flag, that walking in the light of intelligence, and in the vigor of 
chastity, we may work out our manifest destiny as a people during time, 
and in eternity join the chorus of all the nations of the universe, singing 
forever "Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost." 
Amen. 

RULES I AND XII. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The first business in order is the unfin 
ished business coming over from yesterday, and on that the Chair recog 
nizes the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. QUAY). 

Mr. M. S. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I take the floor simply 
for the purpose of withdrawing, with the consent of the Convention, the 
amendment I offered yesterday to the report of the Committee on Rules. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania with 
draws the amendment which he yesterday offered to the report of the Com 
mittee on Rules. The question is on agreeing to Rules I and 12 as re 
ported by the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. 

Rules I and XII were agreed to. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The rules have now been adopted as a 
whole. 

NOMINATION OF CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the nomina 
tion of a candidate for President of the United States. (Applause.) The 
Clerk will call the roll of States, etc., for the presentation of the names of 
candidates. 

The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll. 

Mr. P. D. BARKER, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). Alabama 
yields to Ohio. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Alabama yields to Ohio. 

Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from 
Ohio (Mr. FORAKER). 

NOMINATING SPEECH OF HON. J. B. FORAKER, OF OHIO. 

Mr. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio: 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: Alabama yields to 
Ohio, and I thank Alabama for that accommodation. Alabama has so 
yielded, however, by reason of a fact that would seem in an important sense 
to make the duty that has been assigned to me a superfluous duty, for 
Alabama has yielded because our candidate for the Presidency has, 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 115 

in effect, been already nominated. (Applause.) He was nominated by the 
distinguished Senator from Colorado when he assumed the duties of tem 
porary chairman. He was nominated again yesterday by the distinguished 
Senator from Massachusetts when he took the office of permanent chair 
man; and he was nominated for a third time when the Senator from Indiana 
yesterday read us the platform. (Applause.) And not only has he been 
thus nominated by this Convention, but he has also been nominated by the 
whole American people. (Applause.) 

From one end of the land to the other, in every mind only one and the 
same man is thought of for the honor which we are now about to confer, 
and that man is the first choice of every other man who wishes Republican 
success next November. (Applause.) 

On this account it is that it is not necessary for me or any one else to 
speak for him here or elsewhere. He has already spoken for himself (ap 
plause), and to all the world. He has a record replete with brilliant achieve 
ments (applause), a record that speaks at once both his promises and his 
highest eulogy. 

It comprehends both peace and war, and constitutes the most striking 
illustration possible of triumphant and inspiriting fidelity and success in the 
discharge of public duty. 

Four years ago the American people confided to him their highest and 
most sacred trust. Behold, with what results! 

He found the industries of the country paralyzed and prostrated; he 
quickened them with a new life that has brought to the American people 
a prosperity unprecedented in all their history. 

He found the labor of the country everywhere idle; he has given it 
everywhere employment. He found it everywhere in despair; he has made 
it" everywhere prosperous and buoyant with hope. 

He found the mills and shops and factories and mines everywhere closed; 
they are everywhere now open. (Applause.) And while we here deliberate 
they are sending their surplus products in commercial conquest to the ends 
of the earth. 

Under his wise guidance our financial standard has been firmly planted 
high above and beyond assault, and the wild cry of sixteen to one, so full 
of terror in 1896, has been hushed to everlasting sleep alongside of the lost 
cause, and other cherished Democratic heresies, in the catacombs of Ameri 
can politics. (Applause.) 

With a diplomacy never excelled and rarely equalled he has overcome 
what at times seemed to be insurmountable difficulties, and has not only 
opened to as the door of China, but he has advanced our interests in every 
land. 

Mr. Chairman, we are not surprised by this, for we anticipated it all. 
When we nominated him at St. Louis four years ago, we knew he was wise, 
we knew he was brave, we knew he was patient, we knew he would be faith 
ful and devoted, and we knew that the greatest possible triumphs of peace 



116 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

would be his; but we then little knew that he would be called upon to en 
counter also the trials of war. That unusual emergency came. It came un 
expectedly as wars generally come. It came in spite of all he could hon 
orably do to avert it. It came to find the country unprepared for it, but it 
found him equal to all its extraordinary requirements. (Applause.) 

It is no exaggeration to say that in all American history there is no chap 
ter more brilliant than that which chronicles, with him as our commander- 
in-chief, our victories on land and sea. (Applause.) 

In one hundred days we drove Spain from the Western Hemisphere, 
girdled the earth with our acquisitions and rilled the world with the splendor 
of our power. (Applause.) 

In consequence the American name has a greater significance now. Our 
flag has a new glory. It not only symbolizes human liberty and political 
equality at home, but it means freedom and independence for the long- 
suffering patriots of Cuba, and complete protection, education, enlighten 
ment, uplifting and ultimate local self-government and the enjoyment of 
all the blessings of liberty to the millions of Porto Rico and the Philippines. 
What we have so gloriously done for ourselves we propose most gener 
ously to do for them. (Applause.) We have so declared in the platform 
that we have here adopted. A fitting place it is for this party to make such 
declaration, here in this magnificent city of Philadelphia, where the evi 
dences so abound of the rich blessings the Republican party has brought 
to the American people. Here at the birthplace of the nation, where our 
own declaration of independence was adopted and our Constitution was 
framed; where Washington and Jefferson and Hancock and John Adams 
and their illustrious associates wrought their immortal work; here where 
center so many historic memories that stir the blood, flush the cheek, and 
excite the sentiments of liberty, humanity and patriotism is indeed a most 
fitting place for the party of Lincoln and Grant and Garfield and Elaine 
(applause), the party of Union and Liberty for all men, to formally dedicate 
themselves to this great duty. 

W r e are now in the midst of Its discharge. We could not turn back if 
we would, and would not if we could. (Applause.) We are on trial before 
the world, and must triumphantly meet our responsibilities, or ignomin- 
iously fail in the presence of mankind. 

These responsibilities speak to this Convention here and now, and com 
mand us that we choose to be our candidate and the next President which 
is one and the same thing the best fitted man for the discharge of this great 
duty in all the Republic. (Applause.) 

On that point there is no difference of opinion. No man in all the na 
tion is so well qualified for this trust as the great leader under whom the 
work has been so far conducted. He has the head, he has the heart, he 
has the special knowledge and the special experience that qualify him be 
yond all others. And, Mr. Chairman, he has also the stainless reputation 
and character, and has the blameless life that endear him to his countrymen 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 117 

and give to him the confidence, the respect, the admiration, the love and the 
affection of the whole American people. (Applause.) 

He is an ideal man, representing the highest type of American citizen 
ship, an ideal candidate and an ideal President. With our banner in his 
hands it will be carried to triumphant victory in November. (Applause.) 

In the name of all these considerations, not alone on behalf of his be 
loved State of Ohio, but on behalf of every other State and Territory here 
represented, and in the name of all Republicans everywhere throughout 
our jurisdiction, I nominate to be our next candidate for the Presidency, 
William McKinley. (Applause.) 

SPEECH OF HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, OF NEW YORK. 

Mr. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, of New York. Mr. Chairman and my fellow 
delegates, my beloved Republicans and Americans, I rise to second the 
nomination of William McKinley, the President who has had to face more 
numerous and graver problems than any other President since the days of 
the mighty Lincoln, and who has faced them. (Applause.) 

Four years ago the Republicans made William McKinley their nominee 
for President. The Republican nominee, even before a fortnight had 
passed, he had become the candidate not merely of all Republicans but of 
all Americans far-sighted enough to see where the true interests of the 
nation lay, and keenly sensitive to the national honor. (Applause.) Four 
years ago we were confronted with the gravest crisis which this nation has 
had to face since .Appomattox was won and the civil war came to a close. 
(Applause.) We were confronted by a situation where, if our opponents 
had triumphed, it meant not only an immense aggravation of the existing 
and already well-nigh intolerable physical distress, but a stain on the na 
tional honor so deep that a generation would have had to pass away before 
it could have been wiped out. (Applause.) 

We appealed to the nation to put William McKinley in the first place 
on the two simple issues that if he were elected prosperity would come to 
the country and the country s honor would be upheld at home and abroad. 
(Applause.) We did not promise the impossible. We did not say that 
prosperity would come to every man, no matter whether that man did or 
did not try to get it. In the long run each man s own thrift, industry and 
energy must be the prime factors in determining his success. (Applause.) 
No legislation can supply their lack, but it is easy enough, by unwise or 
dishonest legislation or administration, to nullify them absolutely, and it 
is, though less easy, possible by good administration, clean and wise legis 
lation, to give them the freest possible scope. And it was that scope which 
we promised should be given. 

Well, we kept our word. The opportunity was given, and it was seized 
by American energy, ingenuity and thrift, with the result that this country 
now, as we sit here, has reached a pitch of prosperity never before attained 
in the nation s history. 



118 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

So it has been in foreign affairs. Four years ago the nation was uneasy 
because at our very doors an American Island was writhing in hideous 
agony under a worse than mediaeval despotism. We had our Armenia at 
our threshold. The situation in Cuba had become such that we could 
no longer stand quiet and retain one shred of self-respect. The President 
faced this duty as he faced all others. (Applause.) He exhausted every 
expedient to get Spain to withdraw peacefully from the island which she 
was impotent to do aught than oppress, and when every peaceful means 
had failed, we drew the sword and waged the most righteous and brilliantly 
successful foreign war that this generation has seen. (Applause.) 

It was not a great war because it did not have to be (laughter) ; because 
when we could accomplish a result with one finger, we did not need to 
exert all our strength. But it was momentous indeed in its effect. And 
like every other great feat that has ever been performed in the history of 
humanity, it left those who performed it not only a heritage of honor, but 
a heritage of responsibility. (Applause.) Great is our responsibility; heavy 
indeed; and we are meeting it as it must be met when President McKinley 
sends to the Island men like Wood, and Taft, and Allen; men whose names 
are synonyms of integrity and honesty, and earnests of the fact that we in 
tend that in those islands liberty, justice and orderly law shall prevail from 
now onward. (Applause.) 

This is what the nation has done during the three years of President 
McKinley s administration, and this is what he stands for and typifies. To 
him it has been given and thrice blessed the man to whom such is given 
to embody in his own personality all that is loftiest, most earnest, most 
disinterested in the Nation s hope, in the Nation s desire, and to represent 
the Nation s strength in the struggle for righteousness. (Applause.) 

We have done so well that our opponents actually use the fact as an 
argument for turning us out. (Laughter.) We have put our economic 
policy on a basis so stable, we have enacted such wise financial legislation 
that they turn to the wise and honest men who deserted them at the last 
election and beg them to come back and support them now because even 
if they do get in we will prevent them from doing the harm they would like 
to do. (Laughter and applause.) I am not exaggerating. That is the 
exact argument they use; and to all who might be affected by it let me 
address one word of warning. Wise legislation is vitally important, but 
honest administration is even more important. (Applause.) No matter 
how perfect our financial legislation, if the management of the national 
finances were entrusted to any man who would be acceptable to the Popu- 
listic Democracy of to-day, we should be plunged back into an abyss of 
shame, disgrace and business chaos. 

Our opponents have not any more even the poor excuse of honesty for 
their folly. They have raved against trusts, they have foamed at the mouth 
in prating of impossible remedies they would like to adopt; and now in 
my own State we have discovered all of the chief leaders of the Democracy, 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 119 

including that leader before whom the other lesser leaders stand with bared 
heads and trembling knees (laughter) in a trust which really is of infamous 
and perhaps of criminal character. (Applause.) These apostles of De 
mocracy, these prophets of the new dispensation, have themselves been dis 
covered in a trust through which they hope to wring fortunes for them 
selves from the dire needs of their poorer brethren. (Applause.) I pity 
the Democratic orator who in New York State this fall speaks the word 
"trusts." (Laughter.) 

Now for the Philippines. The insurrection still goes on because the 
allies in this country of the bloody insurrectionary oligarchy in Luzon have 
taught their foolish dupes to believe that Democratic success at the polls 
next November means the abandonment of the islands to the savages, who 
would scramble for the bloody plunder until some other strong civilized 
nation came in to do the work that we would have shown ourselves unfit 
to perform. (Applause.) Our success in November means peace in the 
islands. The success of our opponents means an indefinite prolongation 
of the present bloody struggle. 

We nominate President McKinley because he stands indeed for honesty 
at home and for honor abroad (applause); because he stands for the con 
tinuance of the material prosperity which has brought comfort to every 
home in the Union; and because he stands for that kind of policy which 
consists in making performance square with promise. (Applause.) 

We stand on the threshold of a new century big with the fate of mighty 
nations. It rests with us now to decide whether in the opening years of that 
century we shall march forward to fresh triumphs or whether at the outset 
we shall cripple ourselves for the contest. Is America a weakling, to shrink 
from the world-work of the great world-powers? (Applause.) No. The 
young giant of the West stands on a continent and clasps the crest of an 
ocean in either hand. (Applause.) Our nation, glorious in youth and 
strength, looks into the future with eager eyes and rejoices as a strong 
man to run a race. We do not stand in craven mood asking to be spared 
the task, cringing as we look on the contest. No. We challenge the proud 
privilege of doing the work that Providence allots us, and we face the com 
ing years high of heart and resolute of faith that to our people is given the 
right to win such honor and renown as has never yet been vouchsafed to 
the nations of mankind. (Great applause.) 

SPEECH OF HON. JOHN M. THURSTON, OF NEBRASKA. 

Mr. JOHN M. THURSTON, of Nebraska. Gentlemen of the Convention: 
There are voices to-day more powerful and eloquent than those of men 
seconding the nomination of William McKinley. They come from the 
forest, and the farm, the mountain and the valley, the North, the South, 
the East and the West. They are the voices of happy homes, of gladdened 
hearts, of bustling, toiling, striving, earnest, prosperous millions, of re- 



120 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

established business, re-employed labor, re-opened factories, renewed na 
tional credit and faith. (Applause.) 

In all the whole broad land every furnace fire that roars, every spindle 
that sings, every whistle that blows, every mountain torrent set to toil, 
every anvil that rings, every locomotive that screams, every steamship that 
plows the main, every mighty wheel that turns, are all joining in the glad, 
grand voice of prosperous, progressive, patriotic America, seconding the 
nomination of our great President, William McKinley. (Applause.) 

And who is William McKinley? 

Born of the common people, struggling up through the environments 
of humble boyhood and toil, he stands to-day before the world the fore 
most representative of all that is most glorious and grand in our uplifted 
civilization. (Applause.) 

Who is William McKinley? 

A citizen soldier of the Republic, a boy volunteer, knighted by his coun 
try s commission for daring deeds in the forefront of desperate battle. 

His Alma Mater was the tented field, his diploma of valor bore the same 
signature as did the Emancipation Proclamation. (Applause.) 

When Sheridan, summoned by the mighty roar of doubtful battle, rode 
madly down from Winchester and drew nigh to the shattered and retreat 
ing columns of his army, the first man he met, to know, was a young lieu 
tenant engaged in the desperate work of rallying and reforming the Union 
lines, making ready for the coming of the master, whose presence and 
genius alone could wrest victory from defeat. That young lieutenant of the 
Shenandoah has been rallying and forming the Union lines from that day 
to this. (Applause.) He rallied and formed them for the. protection of 
American labor; he rallied and formed them to maintain the credit of our 
country and the monetary standard of the civilized world. He rallied and 
formed them in the great struggle of humanity and sent the power of the 
Republic to the islands of the sea, that a suffering people might be lifted 
from the depths of tyranny and oppression. He rallied and formed them 
that our navies might astound the world and make our flag respected in 
all the earth. He rallied and formed them that law and order might pre 
vail and life and liberty and property be secure where the banner of the 
Republic waves in sovereignty above our new possessions in the East. (Ap 
plause.) 

His name is on every tongue, his love in every heart, his fame secure in 
all time to come and his re-election by the people, whose welfare and honor 
he has so jealously guarded and maintained, is as certain as the rising of 
the morning sun. (Applause.) 

I cannot, dare not stand longer between this Convention and its will. 
You are the delegates of the people. You represent their wish as it is soon 
to be unanimously recorded. Of the, outcome of the contest that is to fol 
low, we have no lingering doubt, for we trust the intelligence of the 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 121 

American people and we believe in the justice of Almighty God. (Ap 
plause.) 

Other candidates of other parties will seek the public confidence and the 
popular vote. Hawks and buzzards sometimes soar aloft until they cheat 
the human vision to believe them eagles; but the eagle calmly circles high 
above them all, the one sole peerless monarch of the snow-capped peaks 
and the empyrean blue. (Applause.) So in the realm of statesmanship of 
the United States, William McKinley stands above all others, the worthy 
successor of Washington, Lincoln, Grant and Garfield our President now 
our President to be William McKinley, of Ohio. (Applause.) 

SPEECH OF HON. JOHN W. YERKES, OF KENTUCKY. 

Mr. JOHN W. YERKES, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman and Fellow Dele 
gates: The supreme thought in my mind at this moment is what remains 
to be said that ought to be said; and as in time of danger one s thought 
naturally turns to his home, I recall that in the historic Philadelphia Re 
publican Convention of 1856 liberty-loving men from my State sat as dele 
gates. In contrast with this immense audience, this huge hall with its 
splendor of decoration and its superb equipment, that gathering would 
seem to be of small import. But in devotion to freedom, in intensity and 
force of utterance, in eternal results, that assemblage has no peer in the 
history of conventions. (Applause.) 

Forty 3*ears after that body adjourned Kentucky for the first time gave 
her electoral vote to a Republican Presidential candidate, Major William 
McKinley. (Applause.) Recognized as a citidel of Democracy she had 
capitulated .to the Republicans in the noted State campaign of 1895. She 
was Republican in 1896, Republican in 1899, is Republican to-day (ap 
plause), and as such she seconds this nomination. 

It would be, gentlemen, but a fitting tribute to our President and to the 
industrial, commercial, diplomatic and martial victories of his administra 
tion if every State placed the stamp of its approval upon his course of* con 
duct (applause); and if opportunity were given there would join in this 
majestic chorus of national endorsement voices coming across the waters 
from our new to our old shores; voices coming from our insular posses 
sions to this venerable city where a nation was born consecrated to lib 
erty, to freedom and to independence; and what more fitting place for this 
universal chorus to sound forth than in this old-time city? These voices 
that would come from abroad would ring out from every home over which 
for the first time the flag of freedom floats, and that by the orders^ of our 
President. 

Furthermore, to-day they are linked to our progress and to our destiny, 
and therefore stable government, domestic tranquility and Christian civili 
zation are assured to them, and just as Lincoln s name sounds to the eman 
cipated slave and his children, so the name of President McKinley will be 
to these liberated millions of political serfs. (Applause.) 



122 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

We believe that with the same leadership and the same policies which 
gave us victory in 1896, the same winning will be repeated in 1900. Then it 
was a campaign of instruction, of argument, of promise of better days, of 
trying to teach the people to trust and rely on our plans and purposes. 
Now it will be a campaign in which we will show what has been accom 
plished, prophecies fulfilled and pledges redeemed. It will be a presenta 
tion of actualities, of facts. You will have a rapid portraiture, you will 
have a shifting panoramic view of the present as compared with the past; 
and whether this comparison be made by the speaker on the hustings, in 
the public press, in the pamphlet, in the marvelous lines of the modern 
cartoonist, it will present an argument so forcible that the minds of the 
people can not escape it. If there be left among us plain, practical, com 
mon, everyday sense, then the columns that followed President McKinley s 
leadership four years ago will be doubled in enthusiasm and in numbers 
this year. (Applause.) 

We support him for our faith in him; for our confidence in his character, 
in his capacity; for his splendid personality; for his broad Americanism, 
for what he is, for what he has done, and for what he stands pledged to do. 
In all these years of his office-holding as member of your National Legis 
lature, as Governor, as President, his robes have always been and are to 
day as spotless as the snows which crown our mountain peaks. (Ap 
plause.) 

In Kentucky we know something of what it is to meet the conflicts 
and the antagonisms that are born and which reach maturity when 
vicious minorities under guise of law, attempt to destroy popular 
sovereignty, debauch the ballot box, trample under foot civil liberty and 
political freedom, and deny to the people the guaranteed right to select 
those who shall rule over them, and to be represented by officials of their 
free choice. (Applause). While to us a strong foreign policy, the war and 
peace, both coming at humanity s call, the wise currency legislation, the 
proper protection of American industries, American labor, and all American 
products, appeal with force and directness, yet gentlemen, the right-minded 
men in Kentucky are Republicans because they are contending for a free 
ballot and a fair count. (Applause.) They are Republicans because this 
party by its traditions, by its history, by its platform declarations from the 
beginning is pledged to the maintenance and the protection of representa 
tive government and of an untrammeled suffrage. (Applause.) 

In 1896 we gave you an old, representative slave-holding State. By so 
doing we removed one charge against our party, that it was sectional. 
The Ohio river was crossed; Republicanism marched southward, and this 
sectional line disappeared from the map. We will do it again. (Applause.) 
We will show the people of the North and the South and the East that Re 
publicanism to use the language of our distinguished chairman means 
action, and is always moving forward. (Applause.) I am a Kentuckian, 
a lover of my native State, believing in the ultimate integrity and honesty 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 123 

of her citizens. I have the fullest confidence in them. I believe they will 
make final response to right arguments, and that that response will be made 
at our polls next November, in electing electors to vote for President Wil 
liam McKinley for re-election. (Applause.) 

SPEECH OF MR. GEORGE A. KNIGHT, OF CALIFORNIA. 

Mr. GEORGE A. KNIGHT, of California. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of 
the Convention, if my history serves me right, this is an anniversary day 
for California. I believe the reason why Philadelphia was chosen for hold 
ing this Republican Convention was in commemoration of the first Repub 
lican Convention, and its nominees. Amid these historic surroundings I 
feel quite at home. Forty-four years ago the Republican party met in 
National Convention in the City of Philadelphia and nominated a ticket 
asking the support of the loyal, liberty-loving citizens of the Union. I 
am not a resident of your State, neither am I familiar with the surroundings 
of your beautiful city. But it seems to me that this time and these few days 
I have been here have been an anniversary for the State of California. 
Forty-four years ago John C. Fremont, the weird pathfinder of the Pacific, 
was named by the Republican National Convention for President of the 
United States. He crossed the level plains, climbed the mountains of rock 
and viewed the promised land California God bless her; with a climate 
soft as a mother s smile; with a soil fruitful as God s love; an Eden in her 
self; broad enough for an empire the Democrats did not want her as a 
part of this great National Union. (Applause.) 

California came into the Union a free State, heralding the idea that no 
man under the shadow of our flag, no matter what his color might be, 
should be a slave. Believing in the inalienable rights of man and his just 
claim to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Firmly convinced of 
the wisdom of Washington s idea of protection, advocating Jefferson s im 
perialism, California s admission into the Union was significant and most 
important. Had she come into the Union a slave State, the reign of the 
dominant power for fifty-five years would have been continued and the 
destiny of this Republic would have been problematic. 

California elected John C. Fremont one of her first United States Sena 
tors, and sent him back to Washington as a pledge of faith that California 
was true to the fundamental principles that to-day has made us the greatest 
nation on the face of the earth. Therefore, I rejoice with you to-day and 
the Republican party when you commemorate the nomination of the Cali- 
fornian who carried the banner of Republicanism in the early days of its 
sorest trial. 

The Convention is impatient. You have had much work to do and I 
will not undertake to make a political speech. The time is not opportune 
for me to talk of the Republican party and its work, and I will not, at this 
time, undertake so great a task. It has written the history of this Govern 
ment for every school child to read for the last thirty-five years. There is 
not a principle that has been advocated by the party since 61, that has not 



124 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

been incorporated and crystalized into statutory or organic law. There is 
net a name that is associated with the advancement and the civilization of 
our people be he high or low that has not walked under the banner of 
Republicanism, and. voted our National ticket. We are tired of history; 
\ve want to teach your children geography, and the text books of two years 
ago cannot guide the young mind of to-day on account of the advancement 
and work of the Republican party of this nation. We have changed the 
map and the flag floats now under skies that never knew it before. 

In California we know what expansion means. In California we want 
this great and liberal nation to be equal to the occasion that offers itself 
to it. Happy circumstances shook the world s dice box of opportunity and 
we won in the throw. The prizes came not from the sky of blue but from 
the ocean, and Hawaii and the Philippine Archipelago, fresh from the soft 
creation of the wave, were added to our nation s domain. The King of 
Commerce has tapped us on the shoulder and said: "I am coming to the 
Fair Pacific to make her my sea-side home." 

California welcomes commerce; she is glad that conquest prepared the 
way for her peaceful presence. 

We know what anti-expansion is in California. Had the advocates of 
that doctrine had their way, my fair State would never have been admitted 
into the Union. Opposition most strong to the acquisition of California 
was made by Senator Corwin of Ohio in the United States Senate in 1847, 
and by all the gifts of oratory and tne persuasion of speech, he sought to 
influence our Government in its war with Mexico, to withdraw from the 
contest and not claim my favored section as a necessary piece of territory 
for our nation. We had an advocate in the Senator from Michigan who 
told of the unknown country California and incidentally mentioned that 
he had been told that the San Francisco Bay was one of the finest- in the 
world and that we ought to have it. He predicted that some day the United 
States would grow out to the Pacific and, as a matter of precaution, ad 
vised that California be retained as a part and parcel of our possessions to 
be used in the future. In a most emphatic, scholarly and well-prepared 
speech, Senator Corwin combatted the idea of ever purchasing California, 
and based his opposition upon the ground that it was too far off to be 
practical and it was unjust and indecent to take from a weaker nation. 
Speaking of San Francisco Bay he said: "The Senator from Michigan says 
it is the finest bay in the world and we ought to have it. Why, gentlemen, 
it is like a horse-thief saying that the reason he stole the horse was because 
it was the best one he could find." So, gentlemen of the Convention, you 
see that California has gone all through this fight on expansion, and had 
the anti-expansionists of that flay had their way, one of the greatest States 
in this glorious Union would not have been a star in the field of blue on 
the National Flag. 

We all know what the Democratic party is; we all know what the Demo 
cratic party was; we all know what the Democratic party will be until the 
crack of doom. (Applause and laughter). I believe it has often been said 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 125 

that our forefathers builded better than they knew. I say, no; they knew 
better than they had an opportunity of building in their day and in their 
time. (Applause.) They had the history of the past; they had the memory 
of oppression and the tyranny that brought them to these shores. They 
knew the mistakes of the governments of the old world, and they tried, as 
best they knew, to avert and avoid them in the building of this new and 
great nation. One thing was stamped upon their hearts and their minds 
freedom to all and equal rights before the law; and that has been one of the 
cardinal principles of the Republican party. (Applause.) 

Let me tell you, fellow citizens and gentlemen of this Conven .ion, we 
have made no mistakes in our political life. We have taken up the pen 
and written into the Constitution of the United States language so simple, 
so musical and so just in itself that you would have thought it was in the 
original draft, and was the output of the pen that penned the original Con 
stitution itself. . (Applause.) 

One word with respect to Mr. Bryan. If in the House of Parliament the 
same speech and speeches, the same sentiments were expressed that Wil 
liam J. Bryan expresses under the shadow and protection of our flag, ther_ j 
is not a man, woman or child throughout this great domain who would not 
be willing to declare war at once. Put into the mouth of the representative 
of any foreign power the sayings of Bryan, let our army be attacked, let 
our institutions be made fun of, let our work be degraded in the eyes of 
the world by anybody but our people, and war would come. If it be true 
what Mr. Bryan says about our territory, if it be true what he says in criti 
cism of our institutions, it ought to be right to have the whole civilized 
world accord with him. 

The Democratic party has always put the arm of labor in a sling. 
(Laughter and applause.) The Democratic party has blackened the eye of 
commerce. (Laughter.) The Democratic party has crushed the foot of 
progress. It has put Uncle Sam to bed every time it has had anything to do 
with the Government. (Laughter and applause.) And besides that, it seeks 
alliances with the vicious and the outcasts of other lands who do not have 
an abiding place under the shadow of their own flag. (Applause.) That is 
the indictment against it. 

Now, without going further into politics, let me say that the Democrats 
are going to have a convention on the Fourth of July in Kansas City. I 
wonder why the Fourth of July was chosen? The Fourth of Ju y! Do 
you remember when 

Our bugles sang truce, for the night cloud had lowered 
And the sentinel stars set their watch in the sky, 

And thousands had sunk on the ground overpowered, 
The weary to sleep and the wounded to die. 

Among the soldiers who slept on tented fields was William McKinley, 
and under the stars of heaven he slept with his heart on the flag. I know 
of no Democrat who has such a record. From 61 to 65 they kept no 



126 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

National Anniversaries. I am glad that my friend Roosevelt has said that 
the Spanish-American war was not a great war. I fully agree with him in 
a limited sense. All the smoke of the Spanish-American war was not in 
cense to the god of battles when compared with the battles of Shiloh, 
Antietam, Gettysburg and the Wilderness, and the silent heroes of the past 
who fought those battles that the nation might live, are entitled at this hour 
and time to the praise and remembrance of this grateful Convention. Had 
it not been for Lincoln, we would have made no nomination for President 
of the United States to-day. Had it not been for Grant, we would have 
had no victorious armies. Farragut, lashed in the rigging of the old Hart 
ford, his gray locks waving defiance to death and danger, made Dewey a 
possibility. And while we give all credit and all honor to those who so 
successfully conducted our war with foreign lands, we must not forget those 
who made that war s success a possibility. We will not take any honor 
from the brave men who brought us territory in the late war. No grander 
achievement has ever been chronicled in the history of our country than 
the acquisition of the islands in the Pacific. We need them commercially; 
we need them politically; we need them in every way that any nation may 
need territory. The dismemberment of China is sure to come. The feverish 
conditions of the Orient are apparent to everyone, and to-day were it not 
that we own the Philippines, we would have to send our soldiers thousands 
of miles across the water to protect the lives of the representatives of our 
flag. We need those islands as a great depot in the Pacific for the distribu 
tion of the output of our inventive genius and industrial hand. We are 
proud that California s boys were the first to carry our flag on to foreign 
shores, and we know the guarantee they feel in their hearts that the nation 
would approve of their acts, will not be a disappointment. Some of them 
are over there yet and will never come back. Near the restless sea, amid 
the spices and perfumes of the tropical land, Columbia, Fair Columbia, 
sighing for her dead, is guarding their hammocks that are swinging in 
peaceful and eternal content. I think we will keep the Philippines. 

And now a word for California, the regnant queen. We have built the 
flagship upon which Dewey stood under the stars and stripes in Manila 
Bay; we have fashioned the Monterey and baptized her in the waters of 
San Francisco Bay and sent her sluggishly along to do the will of the com 
mander of the fleet where she is assigned; we built the Oregon and sent 
her with the excursion of our Flag on the grandest and greatest trip that 
ever was known in naval achievement, that not only astonished ourselves 
but the civilized world stood aghast at the wonderful perfection of these 
water fighting machines. But we know what master laid their keel; what 
workman wrought their ribs of steel, and we were not at all alarmed when 
they started out in defense of the national honor and defense of our con 
victions of right. 

The time is short and I must close. The embodiment of all the principles 
of the Republican party I find in William McKinley, a statesman unexcelled, 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 127 

a soldier of honorable renown, and a citizen whose hearthstone of home 
is an example to all. 

William McKinley stands not only beloved at home, but before all the 
nations of this earth as one of the greatest and best rulers that ever graced 
the Presidential chair of the United States. (Applause.) November will 
soon be here. There will be no doubt as to the result. The ballots are 
now counted in the minds and hearts of the American people, and four 
years more of respect for law, respect for the flag and hope and faith in the 
perpetuity of American institutions and of honor to the name of William 
McKinley will follow this nomination. (Applause.) 

SPEECH OF HON. JAMES A. MOUNT, OF INDIANA. 

Mr. JAMES A. MOUNT, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the 
Convention, the anxiety of the Convention to vote on the nomination of 
President McKinley only foretells the anxiety of the American people to 
express their desire for his election at the polls. 

I esteem it a great honor to second the nomination of a man who has 
ably discharged every responsibility in peace and war; one who in the 
perilous crisis of the great civil conflict in this country, though but a mere 
youth, displayed the loyalty of a patriot and the courage of a hero. (Ap 
plause.) 

This man enlisted as a private soldier and fought in the front rank of 
battle until the Union was saved and honored peace secured. He is states 
man as well as patriot, a creator of statutes as well as a defender of lib 
erty. He became a leader in the Congress of the United States. He was 
Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, and the distinguished author 
of the tariff law which bore his honored name. The anathemas of the 
Democratic party were showered upon that law, and from the same source 
came direful prophecies that calamity would follow its adoption. On the 
contrary, however, the wisdom of the measure was speedily proclaimed 
through flaming furnaces and forges which illuminated the night and by new 
industries and expanded markets. It made the closing year of General 
Harrison s illustrious administration the climax of national prosperity 
achieved up to that period. 

The induction of the Democratic party into power in 1893 brought in 
its train ruined markets, declining values, diminishing exports, idle men 
and a general shrinkage of production. In lieu of the promised better 
times the results were loss of confidence, distress and disaster a dismal 
heritage of Democratic incapacity. Idle mills, shops, foundries and fac 
tories condemned through the eloquence of their silence the party that 
had proved recreant to the trust reposed in it by a misguided majority. 
The alluring promises made to the farmers by Democratic orators were 
as deceptive as the mirage of the desert, which lures to destruction, or as 
the dead sea apple that turns to ashes on the lips. (Applause.) Instead 
of prosperity, in those four years there was a decrease of 23,000,000 head 



128 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

of live stock, and a shrinkage of $828,000,000 in the value of farm animals, 
together with a decline of $720,000.000 in the value of farm crops. 

The change from a debt-paying to a debt-making policy reve?.led the 
utter inability of Democracy to meet and master great economic and finan 
cial problems. Four years ago this country was filled with alarm, and fore 
bodings of evil prevailed everywhere. The Democratic party offered as a 
panacea for depression and disaster one William Jennings Bryan and the 
free and unlimited coinage of silver. The Republican party, true to its 
tenets, was guided by the same lofty patriotism by which it was inspired 
when, in 1860, it chose as its leader that matchless genius, the immortal 
Lincoln, the brave and generous-hearted man who piloted the nation 
through the dark night of bitter strife into the sunlight of tranqiulity. So, 
also, in 1896, it chose as its standard-bearer that brave soldier, intrepid pa 
triot and statesman, Major William McKinley. 

In prophetic parlance he was designated as the "Advance Agent of Pros 
perity." He proclaimed the wisdom of opening the shops, mills and fac 
tories to labor instead of opening our mints to the free and unlimited coin 
age of silver. (Applause.) In full faith and confidence the people turned 
to him as the magnetic needle turns to the po e. He was triumphant, r.nd 
with the beginning of his administration came the dawn of a brighter day. 
The sun of prosperity awoke the slumbering industries. The whirr of 
wheels, the hum of spindles, the clanging of hammers, the sound of reap 
ers echoed the song of labor s rejoicing. The magic wand of prosperi;y 
touched farm and factor} -, and brought smiling plenty to the home of toilers 
throughout the length and breadth of the land. (Applause.) The finger 
of progress that had been turned backward on the dial of time by Demo 
cratic incompetency and misrule once more moved forward under the in 
spiring guidance of President McKinley. An annual increase of $400,000,000 
in our export trade, with the unprecedented two billion dollar mark in for 
eign commerce reached and passed, are economic truths a part of history 
that commends with mightier force than the tongue of eloquence the splen 
did administration of this just and far-seeing statesman. (Applause.) 
Sound financial legislation has increased the volume and established the 
value of our currency. 

Impelled by duty s call and the pleadings of the oppressed the United 
States engaged in war with the cruel and arrogant Kingdom of Spain. 
Grandly our patriotic President met the grave responsibilities of the war, 
and with firmness he withstood the clamor for precipitate haste that charac 
terizes rash men who are disposed to rush unprepared and recklessly into 
conflict. With a conservatism born of greatness, with a quality of sagacity 
that commands respect, and with transcendant ability that challenges ad 
miration he met the issues and carefully prepared for the clash of armor 
that could be no longer averted. In one hundred days he organized and 
equipped a volunteer army of 250,000 soldiers, and, with only a fraction of 
this army, he defeated the land forces of Spain and destroyed her fleets 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 129 

without the loss to this nation of a war vessel, and with a loss of men so 
small, with results so important, that a parallel cannot be found in all the 
annals of warfare. (Applause.) The military and naval power of the United 
States was thus exalted before the nations of the earth, and the name of 
William McKinley became honored and extolled by the people of all lands. 
(Applause.) Like Abraham Lincoln, our President has been made the 
target of abuse by men who will yet, in the calmer moments of candor, ex 
tol his fairness, his efficiency, his fidelity and his greatness. 

Sons of illustrious sires who wore the Blue and the Gray have unitedly 
carried Old Glory" to victory. They have planted the ensign of liberty, 
the flag of our Union, in the Antilles and in the Orient, there to remain as 
a covenant promise of better government to the inhabitants. 

Mighty problems unforestalled have arisen. They have been and are 
now being met in this period of transition, this history-making, geography- 
changing epoch of the world. We need a man, we must have a man, equal 
to the grave responsibilities that may arise. Platforms can not forecast 
policies for unforeseen emergencies. 

"God give us men. A time like this demands 
Strong minds, great hearts, true faith and ready hands; 
Tall men, sun-crowned, who live above the fog 
In public duty, and in private thinking." 

This Convention has named such a man. (Applause.) I therefore take 
great pleasure in seconding the nomination of him who stands before the 
world clear-headed, clean-handed, strong-hearted a patriot, a statesman 
and hero, a typical American, a Christian gentleman, William McKinley. 
(Applause.) 



130 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



VOTE FOR CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. If there are no more names of candidates 
to be presented, the clerk will call the roll of States. Each State, Ter 
ritory and District of Columbia, as it is called, will answer through its chair 
man, stating its vote for our nominee for President of the United States. 
The Chair begs the Convention and audience to preserve quiet while this 
most solemn act is performed. This is putting in nomination a candidate 
for President. The clerk will call the roll. 

The READING CLERK called the roll, which resulted as follows: 



Whole For 

Number of William 
Delegates. McKinley. 



Whole For 

Number of William 
Delegates. McKinley. 



Alabama 22 

Arkansas 16 

California 18 

Colorado 8 

Connecticut 12 

Delaware 6 

Florida 8 

Georgia 26 

Idaho 6 

Illinois 48 

Indiana 30 

Iowa 26 

Kansas 20 

Kentucky 26 

Louisiana 16 

Maine 12 

Maryland 16 

Massachusetts 30 

Michigan 28 

Minnesota 18 

Mississippi 18 

Missouri 34 

Montana 6 

Nebraska 16 

Nevada 6 

New Hampshire 8 

New Jersey 20 



New York 72 

North Carolina 22 

North Dakota 6 

Ohio 46 

Oregon 8 

Pennsylvania 64 

Rhode Island 8 

South Carolina 18 

South Dakota 8 

Tennessee 24 

Texas 30 

Utah 6 

Vermont 8 

Virginia 24 

Washington 8 

West Virginia 12 

Wisconsin 24 

Wyoming 6 

District of Columbia 2 

Alaska 4 

Arizona 6 

Indian Territory 6 

New Mexico 6 

Oklahoma 6 

Hawaii . 2 



Total 



.926 



12 

24 

6 

2 
4 
6 
6 
6 
6 

2 

926 



The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair will announce the result of the 
vote. Total number of votes cast, 926; William McKinley has received 
926 votes. It is a unanimous vote, and the Chair declares that William Mc 
Kinley is your nominee for the Presidency for the term beginning March 4, 
1901. 

[The announcement of the result was received with applause and cheer 
ing which lasted several minutes.] 






TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 131 

NOMINATION OF CANDIDATE FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the nomina 
tion of a candidate for Vice President. The clerk will call the roll of States, 
etc., for the presentation of candidates. 

The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll. 

Mr. P. D. BARKER, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). Alabama 
yields to Iowa. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Colonel Lafayette 
Young, of Iowa. 

NOMINATING SPEECH OF MR. LAFAYETTE YOUNG, OF IOWA. 

Mr. LAFAYETTE YOUNG, of Iowa. Gentlemen of the Convention: I have 
listened with profound interest to the numerous indictments pronounced 
against the Democratic party, and as an impartial reader of history I am 
compelled to confess that the indictments are all only too true. If I am 
to judge, however, by the enthusiasm of this hour, the Republican relief 
committee sent out four years ago to carry supplies and succor to the pros 
trate industries of the Republic has returned to make formal report that the 
duty has been discharged. (Applause.) I can add nothing to this indict 
ment except to say that that unfortunate party, through four years of legis 
lative and administrative control, has made it, up to 1896, impossible for 
an honest man to get into debt or to get out of it. 

But, my fellow citizens, you know my purpose; you know the heart of 
this Convention. The country never called for patriotic sons from any 
given family but that more was offered than there was room for on the 
enlistment roll. (Applause.) When this Convention and this great party 
called for a candidate for Vice President two voices responded one from 
the Mississippi Valley by birth; another by loving affection and adoption. 

It is my mission, representing that part of the great Louisiana Purchase^ 
to withdraw one of these sons and to suggest that the duty be placed upon 
the other. I therefore withdraw the name of Jonathan P. Dolliver, of Iowa 
(applause), a man born with the thrill of the Lincoln and Fremont cam 
paigns in his heart, and with the power to stir the hearts and consciences 
of men as part of his birthright. 

We turn to this other adopted son of the great Middle West; and at this 
moment I recall that this is an anniversary with our candidate. Two years 
ago to-day as many men as there are men and women in this great hall 
were on board sixty transports lying off Santiago harbor, in full view of the 
bay, with Moro Castle looming up on the right, and another prominence 
upon the left, with the opening of the channel between. On board those 
transports were 20,000 soldiers who had gone away from our shores to lib- 
erate another race, to fulfill no obligation but that of humanity. (Ap 
plause.) 

As camp followers there were those who witnessed this great spectacle 



132 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

of the fleet, and on the ship Yucatan was that famous regiment, the Rough 
Riders of the West and the Mississippi Valley. (Applause.) In command 
of that regiment was that fearless young American student, scholar, plains 
man, reviewer, historian, statesman, soldier of the Middle West by adop 
tion, of New York by birth. That fleet, sailing around the point, coming 
to the place of landing, stood off the harbor two years ago to-morrow, and 
the navy bombarded the shore to make a place for landing. No living man 
who was in that campaign, as an observer, as a camp follower, as a soldier, 
can fail to recall, especially if he closes his eyes, the awful scenes in that 
campaign in June and July, 1898. 

The landing being completed, there were those who stood upon the shore 
and saw those indomitable men land, landing in small boats through waves 
that dashed against the shore, landing without harbor, but land they did, 
with the accoutrements and their weapons by their sides. And those who 
stood upon that shore and saw those men come on, thought they could 
read in their faces, "Stranger, can you tell me the nearest road to San 
tiago?" That is the place they were looking for. The name of the leader 
of that campaign, of one of those regiments, is the one I shall bring before 
this Convention for the office of Vice President of the United States. (Ap 
plause.) 

Gentlemen of the Convention, I know you have been here a long time, 
and that you have had politics in abundance; I know the anxiety to complete 
the work of this Convention, but I cannot forbear to say that this occasion 
has a higher significance than one of politics. The campaign of this year 
is higher than politics. In fact, if patriotism could have its way there would 
be but one political party and but one electoral ticket in any State of the 
Union, because patriotic duty would enforce it. 

In many respects the years 1898 and 1899 have been the great years of the 
Republic. There is not under any sun or in any clime any man or govern 
ment that dares to insult the flag of the United States not one. We are 
a greater and a broader people on account of these achievements. (Ap 
plause.) They have made Uncle Sam a cosmopolitan citizen. No one 
questions his prowess or his bravery. As the result of those campaigns and 
as a result of the American spirit, my fellow citizens, the American soldier, 
ten thousand miles away from home, with a musket in his hands, says to 
the aggressor, to those who are in favor of tyranny: "Halt! Who goes 
there?" And the same spirit says to the beleaguered hosts of liberty: 
"Hold the fort; I am coming." Thus says the spirit of Americanism. (Ap 
plause.) 

Gentlemen of the Convention, I place before you this distinguished leader 
of Republicanism in the United States, this leader of the aspirations of the 
people whose hearts are right, this leader of the aspirations of the young 
men of this country. Their hearts and consciences are with this young 
leader whom I name for the Vice Presidency of the United States Theo 
dore Roosevelt, of New York. (Applause.) 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 133 

SPEECH OF. MR. M. J. MURRAY, OF MASSACHUSETTS. 

Mr. M. J. MURRAY, of Massachusetts. Gentlemen of the Convention: 
Massachusetts commissions me, through her delegation, to speak to you 
to-day, and she accompanied that request with the injunction that I should 
be exceedingly brief in what I have to say. We who come from the Old 
Bay State know and love and appreciate the Governor of New York. (Ap 
plause.) HP has many times been welcomed within our borders, and we 
have for him that high appreciation which Massachusetts manhood always 
has for a thoroughgoing, fighting Republican. We yield to him a full meas 
ure of devotion unsurpassed by that of any other delegation upon the floor 
of the Convention. His life to us is an embodiment of those qualities 
which appeal everywhere to American manhood, and which are a sufficient 
guarantee of the kind of public service he will render in this new and high 
position of responsibility to the American people. (Applause.) 

Gentlemen of the Convention, on behalf of the State of Massachusetts, 
which has furnished to the President of the United States one of the best 
assistants he has enjoyed in his Cabinet, in the government of the na 
tion s affairs, mindful of the duty which he expects us to perform in this 
Convention, with the heartiest kind of sympathy and regard for the voice 
of this great gathering, on behalf of the delegation which has complimented 
me with the privilege I am now to exercise aye, on behalf of all New Eng 
land, whose towns and cities have been responsible for some of the charac 
ter that has entered into the Nation s life with all the earnestness at 
my command, I second the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt, of New 
York. (Applause.) 

SPEECH OF MR. J. M. ASHTON, OF WASHINGTON. 

Mr. JAMES M. ASHTON, of Washington. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen 
of the Convention: We come here from the great, the growing and the 
mighty Northwest. We come to greet my worthy predecessor, the great 
States of New England, in the mighty Northeast. We come from the gate 
way of the treasure land of Alaska, the land which will make the free coin 
age of silver sink into insignificance. (Applause.) 

The name of Theodore Roosevelt is known at every fireside throughout 
the great and magnificent mountains and across the broad plains of the 
great West. Everywhere that name is the symbol of American heroism 
and American manhood. (Applause.) When we came here we had in our 
minds for this exalted position an eminent international jurist, an eminent 
diplomat, the Hon. Bartlett Tripp, of the great Northwest. (Applause.) 
But he has said from the commencement, if it is possible to secure the 
nomination of Governor Roosevelt and his acceptance, together with that 
grand character in American history, the eminent, the illustrious, the patri 
otic statesman and soldier, William McKinley, it would be the greatest 
ticket, the grandest ticket, and the strongest ticket which can be placed 
before the American people. 



134 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Now, gentlemen of the Convention, beneath the banner of McKinley 
and Roosevelt the West will unite with the mighty East and go before the 
shrine of the people. We have no fears. You will find when the ballots are 
cast next November that the West has with the entire country woven about 
the waist of Columbia the girdle of political power and political freedom; 
you will find when you count the ballots from the States of the setting sun 
that they will read for McKinley and Roosevelt," and we will clasp that 
girdle in Republican victory. (Applause.) I thank you. 

SPEECH OF HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, OF NEW YORK. 

(There were cries of "Depew!" "Depew!") 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair calls upon Senator Depew. 

Mr. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, of New York. Gentlemen of the Convention: 
Permit me to state to you at the outset that I am not upon the programme, 
but I will gladly perform the pleasant duty of announcing that New York 
came here, as did every other delegation, for Colonel Roosevelt for Vice 
President of the United States. (Applause.) When Colonel Roosevelt ex 
pressed to us his wish not to be considered, we respected it and we proposed 
to place in nomination by our unanimous vote our Lieutenant Governor, 
Timothy L. Woodruff. (Applause.) Now that the Colonel has responded 
to the call of the Convention and the demand of the people, New York 
and Woodruff withdraw Mr. Woodruff and put Roosevelt in nomination. 
I had the pleasure of nominating him two years ago for Governor when 
all the signs pointed to the loss of New York in the election, but he charged 
up and down the old State from Montauk Point to Niagara Falls, as he 
went up San Juan Hill against the Spaniards (applause), and the Demo 
crats fled before him as the Spaniards did in Cuba. (Applause.) 

It is a peculiarity of American life that our men are not born to any 
thing, but that they get there afterward. (Applause.) McKinley, a young 
soldier, and coming out a major; McKinley, a Congressman, and making 
a tariff; McKinley, a President, elected because he represented the pro 
tection of American industries, and McKinley, after four years develop 
ment, in peace, in war, in prosperity and in adversity, the greatest Presi 
dent save one or two that this country ever had, and the greatest ruler in 
Christendom to-day. (Applause.) 

So with Colonel Roosevelt we call him "Teddy." (Applause.) He 
was the child of New York, of New York city, the place that you gentle 
men from the West think breeds coupons, clubs and eternal damnation for 
every one. (Laughter.) "Teddy" was the child of Fifth avenue. He was 
the child of the clubs. He was the child of the exclusiveness of Harvard 
College. He went West and became a cowboy (applause and laughter), 
and then he went into the Navy Department and became an Assistant Sec 
retary. He gave an order, and the old chiefs of bureau came to him and 
said: "Why, Colonel, there is no authority and no requisition to burn this 
powder." "Well," said the Colonel, "we have to get ready when war comes, 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 135 

and powder was manufactured to be burned." (Applause.) The burning 
of that powder sunk Cervera s fleet outside of Santiago s harbor and the fleet 
in Manila Bay. (Aplause.) 

At Santiago a modest voice was heard, exceedingly polite, addressing a 
militia regiment lying upon the ground, while the Spanish bullets were fly 
ing over them. This voice said: "Get to one side, gentlemen, please; one 
side, gentlemen, please, that my men can get out." And when this polite 
man got .his men out in the open, where they could face the bayonet and 
face the bullet, there was a transformation, and the transformation was 
that the dude had become a cowboy, the cowboy had become a soldier, the 
soldier had become a hero, and, rushing up the hill, pistol in hand (ap 
plause), the polite man shouted to the militiamen lying down: "Give them 
hell, boys! Give them hell!" (Applause.) 

Allusion has been made by one of the speakers to the fact that the Dem- 
ocatic Convention is to meet two weeks from yesterday, on the Fourth of 
July. Great Scott! The Fourth of July! (Laughter.) On the Fourth of 
July all the great heroes of the Revolution, all the great heroes of the war 
of 1812, all the great heroes of the war with Mexico, and the heroes of the 
war with Spain who are not dead will be in processions all over the coun 
try those mighty spirits; but they will not be at the Democratic Conven 
tion at Kansas. City. (Applause.) 

Mr. H. HjBiNGHAM, of Pennsylvania. And the heroes of the War of 
the Rebellion. 

Mr. DEPEW, of New York. And the heroes of the War of the Rebellion. 
There is one gentleman who is detained from there and from the welcome 
which they would delight to give him, but he is at present engaged in run 
ning a footrace, under the blazing sun, from the soldiers of the United 
States. (Laughter and applause.) George Washington s spirit will not be 
there, but George Washington Aguinaldo, if he could, would be there as a 
welcome delegate. (Laughter and applause.) 

I should like to sit in the gallery and hear the platform read; anti-expan 
sion, with Jefferson coming out of the clouds and saying, "Who are you? 
Didn t my expansion become fifteen States as glorious and as great as any 
represented in your Convention? And what are you condemning me for?" 
Anti-imperialism! Because we are putting down an insurrection in the 
Philippines! And from the grave at the Hermitage comes the spirit of old 
Andrew Jackson, saying: "Get out of here, or by the Eternal I will let you 
know who I am!" (Laughter and applause.) Anti-acquisition of territory? 
And then comes a procession of Democrats of the old Democratic party 
Jefferson, Monroe, Polk, Pierce, pointing to Louisiana, pointing to New 
Mexico, pointing to California, pointing to Oregon, pointing to what has 
made our country first and foremost among the countries of the world. 
(Applause.) 

But then will come the great card of the Convention, headed by the great 
Bryan himself, "Down with the Trusts!" "Down with the Trusts!" and 



136 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

when the applause is over it will be found that the pitchers on the table 
have been broken by the clashing of the ice within (laughter), for that ice 
will be making merry at five cents a chunk. (Laughter.) 

I heard a story. (Laughter.) This is a brand new story. (Laughter.) It 
is of the vintage of June, 1900. Most of my stories are more venerable. 
(Laughter.) There was a lady with her husband in Florida last winter he 
a consumptive and she a strenuous and tumultuous woman. (Laughter.) 
Her one remark as they sat on the piazza was: "Stop coughing, John." 
John had a hemorrhage. The doctor said he must stay in bed six weeks. 
His tumultuous wife said: "Doctor, it is impossible. We are travelling on 
a time limited ticket, and we have several more places to go." (Laughter 
and applause.) So she carried him off. On arriving at the next station the 
poor man died, and the sympathetic hotel proprietor said: "Madam, what 
shall we do?" She said: "Box him up. I have a time limited ticket, and 
several more places to go." (Laughter and applause.) 

Now, we buried 16 to I in 1896. We put a monument over it, weighing 
as many tons as the Sierra Nevada, when "gold" was put into the statute 
by a Republican Congress and the signature of William McKinley. Colonel 
Bryan has been a body-snatcher. (Laughter.) He has got the corpse out 
from under the monument, but it is dead. He has got it in its coffiin, car 
rying it along, as did the bereaved widow, because, he says: "I must, I must; 
I am wedded to this body of sin and death. (Laughter.) I must, I must, 
because I have a time ticket which expires in November." (Laughter and 
applause.) 

I remember that when I first used to go abroad it is a good thing for 
a Yankee to go abroad I was ashamed because everywhere they would 
say: "What is the matter with the Declaration of Independence when you 
have slavery in your land?" Well, we took slavery out, and now no Ameri 
can is ashamed to go abroad. When I went abroad later the ship was full 
of merchants going across to buy iron and steel and wool and cotton and 
all kinds of goods. Now when an American goes around the world, what 
happens to him? When he reaches the capital of Japan he rides on an 
electric railway made by American mechanics. When he reaches the cities 
of China he rides under electric lights invented by Mr. Edison and put up 
by American artisans. When he goes over the great railway across Siberia 
from China to St. Petersburg, he rides on American rails in cars drawn by 
American locomotives. When he gets to Germany he finds our iron and 
steel climbing over a two dollar and fifty cent tariff, and thereby scaring 
the Kaiser out of his wits. (Laughter.) When he reaches the great Ex 
position at Paris he finds the French winemaker saying that American wine 
cannot be admitted there for the purpose of judgment. When he gets to 
old London he gets for breakfast California fruit, he gets for luncheon, bis 
cuit and bread made of Western wheat, and he gets for dinner "roast beef 
of old England" from the plains of Montana (laughter); and his feet rest 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 137 

on a carpet marked "Axminster," but made at Yonkers, New York. 
(Laughter.) 

Now, my friends, the canvass upon which we are entering is a canvass 
of the future. The past is only for record and for reference, and, thank 
God, we have a reference and a record. It is the canvass of the future. Why 
this war in South Africa? Why these hammerings at the gates of Pekin? 
Why these marching of troops over Asia and Africa? Why this parading 
of the people and of the empire of other lands? It is because the surplus 
products of civilized countries in modern times are greater than civiliza 
tion can consume. It is because this overproduction rolls back to stagnation 
and poverty. 

The American people now produce $2,000,000,000 worth more than we 
can consume, and we have met the emergency, by the providence of God, 
by the statesmanship of William McKinley, and by the valor of Roosevelt 
and his associates. (Applause.) We have our market in Cuba, we have 
our market in Porto Rico, we have our market in Hawaii, we have our 
market in the Philippines, and we stand in the presence of eight hundred 
million people, with the Pacific as an American lake and the American 
artisan producing better and cheaper goods than those of any other country 
in the world. 

My friends, we go to American labor and to the American farm, and say 
that with McKinley for another four years there will be no congestion in 
America. Let invention proceed, let production go on, let the factories do 
their best, let labor be employed at the highest wages, because the world is 
ours, and we have conquered it by Republican principles and by Republican 
persistency in the enforcement of the principles of American industry and 
of America for Americans. (Applause.) 

Many of you I met in convention four years ago you from New England 
with all its culture and its coldness (laughter), and you from the Middle 
West, who, starting from Ohio and radiating in every direction, think you 
are all there is of it (laughter); you from the West who produced on this 
platform a product of New England transplanted to the West through New 
York, who delivered the best presiding officer s speech in oratory and all 
that makes up a great speech that has been heard in many a day in any con 
vention in this country. (Applause.) It was a glorious thing to see the 
fervor of the West and the culture and polish of New England giving us 
an ammunition wagon from which the spellbinder everywhere can draw 
the powder to shoot down opposition East and West and North and South. 
(Applause and laughter.) 

Many of you, as I say, I met in convention four years ago. We all feel 
what little men we were then compared with what we are to-day. There 
is not a man here who does not feel four hundred per cent, bigger in 1900 
than he did in 1896; bigger intellectually, bigger hopefully, bigger patriot 
ically, bigger in the grasp of the fact that he is a citizen of a country which 



138 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



has become a world power for peace, for civilization, and for the expansion 
of its industries and the products of its labor. (Applause.) 

We have the best ticket ever presented. (Applause.) We have at the 
head of it a Western man with Eastern notions, and we have at the other 
end an Eastern man with Western characteristics (applause) ; the states 
man and the cowboy (laughter) ; the accomplished man of affairs and the 
heroic fighter; the man who has proved great as President, and the fighter 
who has proved great as Governor. (Applause.) We leave this old town 
simply to keep on shouting and working to make it unanimous for Mc- 
Kinley and Roosevelt. (Applause.) 

VOTE FOR CANDIDATE FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. If there are no other nominations to be 
made for candidate for Vice President, the Clerk will call the roll of States, 
etc., and the chairman of each delegation, as the State or Territory is called, 
will announce the vote of the State or Territory for candidate for Vice 
President. The Clerk will call the roll. 

The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll. 

Mr. BENJAMIN B. ODELL, of New York (when New York was called). 
New York casts 71 votes for Theodore Roosevelt, one not voting. 

The roll call was concluded, resulting as follows: 



Whole 
Number of 
Delegates. 

Alabama 22 

Arkansas 16 

California 18 

Colorado 8 

Connecticut 12 

Delaware 6 

Florida 8 

Georgia 26 

Idaho 6 

Illinois 48 

Indiana 30 

Iowa 26 

Kansas 20 

Kentucky 26 

Louisiana 16 

Maine 12 

Maryland 16 

Massachusetts 30 

Michigan 28 

Minnesota 18 

Mississippi 18 

Missouri 34 

Montana 6 

Nebraska 16 

Nevada 6 

New Hampshire 8 

New Jersey 20 



For Whole For 

Theodore Number of Theodore 

Roosevelt. Delegates. Roosevelt. 

22 New York 72 71 

16 North Carolina 22 22 

18 North Dakota 6 6 

8 Ohio 46 46 

12 Oregon 8 8 

6 Pennsylvania 64 64 

8 Rhode Island 8 8 

26 South Carolina 18 18 

6 South Dakota 8 8 

48 Tennessee 24 24 

30 Texas 30 30 

25 Utah 6 6 

20 Vermont 8 8 

26 Virginia 24 24 

16 Washington 8 8 

12 West Virginia 12 12 

16 Wisconsin 24 24 

30 Wyoming 6 6 

28 District of Columbia 2 2 

18 Alaska 4 4 

18 Arizona 6 6 

34 Indian Territory 6 6 

6 New Mexico 6 6 

16 Oklahoma 6 6 

6 Hawaii 2 2 

20 Total 926 925 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 139 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The total vote of the Convention is 926. 
Nine hundred and twenty-five votes have been cast (one delegate not voting) 
for Theodore Roosevelt, of New York. (Applause.) I hereby declare 
him your nominee for the Vice-Presidency for the term beginning March 4, 
1901. (Applause.) 

[The announcement of the result was received with applause and cheering 
which lasted several minutes.] 

PUBLICATION OF PROCEEDINGS. 

Mr. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, of Ohio. I offer the resolutions which I 
send to the desk. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ohio offers resolutions 
which will be read. 

The READING CLERK read as follows: 

Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby directed to prepare and 
publish a full and complete report of the official proceedings of this Convention, under 
the direction of tke National Committee, co-operating with the local committee. 

Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention be requested to republish the official 
proceedings of preceding Republican National Conventions now out of print, under the 
direction of the National Committee. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the resolu 
tions submitted by the gentleman from Ohio. 
The resolutions were agreed to. 

VACANCIES ON NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE. 

Mr. THOMAS H. CARTER, of Montana. Mr. Chairman, I submit the reso 
lution which I send to the desk. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Montana offers a reso 
lution which will be read. 

The READING CLERK read as follows: 

Resolved, That the National Republican Committee be, and it is hereby empowered to 
fill all vacancies in its membership. 

The resolution was agreed to. 

COMMITTEES TO NOTIFY THE NOMINEES. 
Mr. CHARLES DICK/ of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I offer a resolution. 
The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ohio offers a resolu 
tion which will be read. 
The READING CLERK read as follows: 

Resolved, That the Permanent Chairman of this Convention, Hon. Henry Cabot 
Lodge, of Massachusetts, be appointed chairman of the committee to notify Hon. Wil 
liam McKinley of his nomination for President, and that the Temporary Chairman, 
Hon. E. O. Wolcott, of Colorado, be appointed chairman of the committee to notify the 
nominee for Vice-President of his nomination; and that the committee notify the candi 
date for President on July 12. 

The resolution was agreed to. 



140 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

THANKS TO CONVENTION OFFICERS. 

Mr. SIDNEY M. BIRD, of Maine. I offer the resolution which I send to 
the desk. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. J. B. Foraker, of Ohio, in the chair). 
The gentleman from Maine offers a resolution which will be read. 

The READING CLERK read as follows: 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are tendered to the Temporary Chair 
man, the Permanent Chairman, the Secretary and his Assistants, the Sergeant-at-Arms 
and his Deputies, the Clerk at the Chairman s Desk, the Reading and Tally Clerks, the 
Official Reporter and the Messengers. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the resolution 
submitted by the gentleman from Maine. 
The resolution was unanimously agreed to. 

THANKS TO THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA. 

Mr. JOSEPH H. MANLEY, of Maine. Mr. Chairman, I offer the resolution 
which I send to the desk. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Mr. Lodge). The gentleman from Maine 
offers a resolution which will be read. 

The READING CLERK read as follows: 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are hereby tendered to his Honor, 
Samuel H. Ashbridge, Mayor of Philadelphia, the members of the Citizens Committee 
and the citizens for the hospitable and perfect provisions made for the session of the 
convention and the entertainment of the delegates, alternates and visitors. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention has heard the resolution, 
and the Chair is sure it will join him in extending much more than formal 
thanks to Mayor Ashbridge, to the city of Philadelphia, and to the com 
mittees which have been so attentive to our comfort, and so hospitable to us. 
The question is on agreeing to the resolution offered by the gentleman 
from Maine. 

The resolution was unanimously agreed to. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 141 

COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY HON. WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair requests the Chairman of each 
delegation to submit in writing the name of its member of the committee 
to notify Hon. William McKinley of his nomination. 

The committee as finally made up is as follows: 

Chairman, HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts. 

ADDRESS. STATE. 

P. D. BARKER Mobile Alabama. 

CHARLES M. GREENE Harrison Arkansas. 

WILLIAM M. GARLAND Los Angeles California. 

DAVID H. MOFFAT Denver Colorado. 

LINUS B. PLIMPTON Hartford Connecticut. 

J. FRANK ALEE Dover Delaware. 

JOSEPH E. LEE Jacksonville Florida. 

W. A. PLEDGER Athens Georgia. 

W. B. HEYBURN Wallace Idaho. 

FRANK O. LOWDEN Chicago Illinois. 

JOHN D. WIDAMAN Warsaw Indiana. 

C. E. ALLBROOK Eldora Iowa. 

E. T. FRANKS Owensboro Kentucky. 

JULIUS GODCHAUX New Orleans Louisiana. 

WAIN\VRIGHT CUSHUSTG Foxcroft Maine. 

WILLIAM F. AIREY Baltimore Maryland. 

FRANKLIN E. HUNTRESS Somerville Massachusetts. 

FRANK J. HECKER Detroit Michigan. 

RAY W. JONES Frazee Minnesota. 

SAM P. HURST Clarksdale Mississippi. 

JOHN B. OWEN St. Louis Missouri. 

DAVID E. FOLSOM White Sulphur Springs. .Montana. 

O. A. ABBOTT Grand Island Nebraska. 

ROBERT L. FULTON Reno Nevada. 

FRED A. PALMER Manchester New Hampshire. 

LESLIE D. WARD Newark New Jersey. 

FRANK S. WITHERBEE Port Henry New York. 

W. A. LEMLEY Winston North Carolina. 

FRED LEUTZ Hebron North Dakota. 

JOS. G. BUTLER, Js Youngstown Ohio. 

HENRY E. ANKENNY Sterling Oregon. 

JOSEPH C. FLETCHER Bristol Rhode Island. 

E. H. DEAS Darlington South Carolina. 

C. B. COLLINS Groton South Dakota. 

GEO. N. TILLMAN Nashville Tennessee. 

J. G. LOWDON Abilene Texas. 

THOMAS KEARNS Park City Utah. 

WM. N. PLATT Shoreham Vermont. 

J. HAMPTON HOGE Roanoke Virginia. 

LEVI ANKENY Walla Walla Washington. 

W. W. MONROE Parkersburg . ., West Virginia. 

WALTER ALEXANDER Wausau Wisconsin. 

CLARANCE D. CLARKE Evanston Wyoming. 

W. D. GRANT Wrangel Alaska. 

JOHN W. DORRINGTON Yuma Arizona. 

W. CALVIN CHASE Washington District of Columbia. 

MIGUEL A. OTERO Santa Fe New Mexico. 

\\ T . J. FRENCH Alva Oklahoma. 

S. PARKER Honolulu Hawaii. 

P. L. SOPER Vinita Cherokee Nation. . Indian Territory. 



142 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 

The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair requests the chairman of each 
delegation to submit in writing the name of its member of the committee 
to notify the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt of his nomination. 

The committee as finally made up is as follows. 

Chairman, HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, of Colorado. . 

ADDRESS. STATE. 

N. H. ALEXANDER Montgomery Alabama. 

S. A. DUKE Baxter Arkansas. 

GEORGE C. PARDEE Oakland California. 

JOHN B. THOMPSON Longmont Colorado. 

ANDREW J. SLOPER New Britain Connecticut. 

ALVIN D. CONNOR Dover Delaware. 

JOHN F. HORR Jacksonville Florida. 

E. N. CLEMENCE Columbus Georgia. 

GEORGE L. SHOUP Boise City Idaho. 

J. H. ROWELL Bloomington Illinois. 

CHARLES S. HERNLEY Indianapolis Indiana. 

J. J. MARSH Decorah Iowa. 

J. T. BRADLEY Sedan Kansas. 

W. J. DEBOE Marion Kentucky. 

JOHN W. COOKE Lake Providence Louisiana. 

ALBERT PIERCE Frankfort Maine. 

J. T. BRADFORD Baltimore Maryland. 

GEORGE N. SWALLOW Boston Massachusetts. 

WILLIAM E. PARNALL Calumet Michigan. 

J. J. ECKLUND Duluth Minnesota. 

W. E. MASK Winona Mississippi. 

WALTER S. DICKEY Kansas City Missouri. 

DAVID E. FOLSOM White Sulphur Sprin-s. .Montana. 

ALEX LAVERTY Ashland Nebraska. 

PATRICK L. FLANIGAN Reno Nevada. 

ALBERT WALLACE Rochester New Hampshire. 

WM. BARBOUR Paterson New Jersey. 

FRANCIS V. GREENE New York City New York. 

THOMAS S. ROLLINS Marshall North Carolina. 

H. C. PLUMLEY Fargo North Dakota. 

GEO. C. RAWLINS Springfield Ohio. 

THOMAS McEWAN Sumpter Oregon. 

JOHN H. MURDOCK Washington Pennsylvania. 

LUCIUS B. DARLING Pawtucket Rhode Island. 

J. F. ENSOR Columbia South Carolina. 

FMIL BRAUCH Hurley South Dakota. 

T. S. ELGIN Selmer Tennessee. 

CHARLES M. FERGUSON San Antonio Texas. 

C. E. LOOSE Provo Utah. 

E. M. BARTLTT Brighton .. Vermont. 

C. G. SMITHERS Cape Charles Virginia. 

LEVI ANKENY Walla Walla Washington. 

JOHN D. RIGG Terra Alta West Virginia. 

JAMES REYNOLDS Lake Geneva Wisconsin. 

GEORGE C. GOBEL Rock Springs Wyoming. 

W. D. GRANT Wrangel .... Alaska. 

CHARLES H. DRAKE Tucson Arizona. 

JOHN E. TONES Washington District of Columbia. 

SECUNDINO ROMERO .. ...Las Vegas .. New Mexico. 

J. G. PRTNGEY Harvey Oklahoma. 

A. N. KEPOIKAI Honolulu Hawaii. 

W. L. McWILLIAMS Miami Quapaw Agency. .Indian Territory. 

FINAL ADJOURNMENT. 

Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman, I move that the 
Convention do now adjourn sine die. 

The motion was agreed to; and (at 2 o clock and 12 minutes P. M.) the 
Chair declared the Convention adjourned without day. 



Official Notification of the Candidates 



NOTIFICATION OF PRESIDENT McKlNLEY 

At his home in Canton, Ohio, on the twelfth of July, 1900, President Mc- 
Kinley was officially notified that he had been a second time selected by the 
Republican National Convention as Presidential nominee. Senator Henry 
Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts was spokesman for the notification commit 
tee, and President McKinley replied at length. The speeches were con 
sidered to a certain extent as the basis upon which the campaign is to,*be 
fought this year. 

Chairman Lodge and the members of the notification committee, to 
gether with Chairman Hanna and members of the National Committee, 
arrived on a special train from Cleveland at n o clock. 

There were also on board the train the Tippecanoe Club of Canton, about 
50 members of President McKinley s old regiment, a number of distin 
guished guests invited by Senator Hanna, and a band. 

The Citizens Committee met the party at the station and escorted them 
to the President s home. Flags fluttered from every window along the 
line of march. Grouped about the lawn at the house were the visiting or 
ganizations. 

A large space in the front yard was roped off and filled with chairs for 
the notification party and distinguished guests. Tables were also provided 
for the press. 

Five minutes after n o clock the booming of guns announced the arrival 
of the Notification Committee at the station. The committee was re 
ceived at the McKinley home with cheers. 

Senator Lodge, followed by Senator Hanna, was in the lead of the 
notification party. Both entered the house and had a few minutes chat 
with President McKinley. When they appeared a cheer went up from the 
crowd. 

Among those occupying seats on the porch were Senator Hanna, Post 
master-General Smith, Cornelius N. Bliss, Henry C. Payne, Judge Day, 
R. C. Kerens, Representative Taylor. With Mrs. McKinley were Mrs. 
Barber, Mrs. Mary Saxton, Mrs. Day and Mrs. Charles G. Dawes. 

143 



144 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

SENATOR LODGE S SPEECH. 

Senator Lodge immediately mounted a small standing block and delivered 
his speech. He said: 

Mr. President: This committee, representing every State in the Union 
and the organized Territories of the United States, was duly appointed 
to announce to you, formally, your nomination by the Republican National 
Convention, which met in Philadelphia on June 19 last, as the candidate 
of the Republican party for President of the United States for the term 
beginning March 4, 1901. 

To be selected by the Republican party as their candidate for this great 
office is always one of the highest honors which can be given to any man. 
This nomination, however, comes to you, sir, under circumstances which 
give it a higher significance, and make it an even deeper expression of honor 
and trust than usual. You were nominated unanimously at Philadelphia. 
You received the unforced vote of every delegate from every State and 
every Territory. The harmony of sentiment which appears on the face of 
the record was but the reflection of a deeper harmony which existed in the 
hearts and minds of the delegates. Without factions, without dissent, 
with profound satisfaction and eager enthusiasm, you were nominated for 
the Presidency by the united voice of the representatives of our great party, 
in which there is neither sign of division nor shadow of turning. 

THE RECORD REVIEWED. 

Such unanimity, always remarkable, is here the more impressive because 
it accompanies a second nomination to the great office which you have 
held for four years. It is not the facile triumph of hope over experience, 
but the sober approval of conduct and character tested in many trials and 
tried by heavy and extraordinary responsibilities. With the exception of the 
period in which Washington organized the nation and built the state, and 
of those other awful years when Lincoln led his people through the agony 
of civil war and saved from destruction the work of Washington, there has 
never been a Presidential term in our history so crowded with great events, 
so filled with new and momentous questions, as that which is now draw 
ing to its end. 

True to the declarations which were made at St. Louis in 1896, you, sir, 
united with the Republicans in Congress in the revision of the tariff and 
the re-establishment of the protective policy. You maintained our credit 
and upheld the gold standard, leading the party by your advice to the pas 
sage of the great measure which is to-day the bulwark of both. You led 
again in the policy which has made Hawaii a possession of the United 
States. On all these questions you fulfilled the hopes and justified the con 
fidence of the people who four years ago put trusts in our promises. But 
in all these questions you had as guides not only your own principles, the 
well-considered results of years of training and reflection, but also the plain 
declarations of the National Convention which nominated you in 1896. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 145 

Far different was it when the Cuban question, which we had also promised 
to settle, brought, first war, and then peace, with Spain. Congress declared 
war, but you, as commander-in-chief, had to carry it on. You did so, and 
history records unbroken victory from the first shot of the Nashville to the 
day when the protocol was signed. The peace you had to make alone. 
Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippines you had to assume alone the responsi 
bility of taking them all from Spain. Alone and weighted with the terrible 
responsibility of the unchecked war powers of the Constitution, you were 
obliged to govern these islands and to repress rebellion and disorder in the 
Philippines. 

No party creed defined the course you were to follow. Courage, fore 
sight, comprehension of American interests, both now and in the un 
charted future, faith in the American people and in their fitness for great 
tasks, were then your only guides and counsellors. Thus you framed and 
put in operation this great new policy which has made us at once masters 
of the Antilles and a great Eastern power, holding firmly our possessions on 
both sides of the Pacific. 

The new and strange ever excite fear, and the courage and prescience 
which accept them always arouse criticism and attack. Yet a great departure 
and a new policy were never more quickly justified than those undertaken 
by you. On the possession of the Philippines rests the admirable diplo 
macy which warned all nations that American trade was not to be shut out 
from China. It is to Manila that we owe the ability to send troops and 
ships in this time of stress to the defence of our ministers, our missionaries, 
our consuls and our merchants in China, instead of being compelled to leave 
our citizens to the casual protection of other powers, as would have been un 
avoidable had we flung the Philippines away and withdrawn from the 
Orient. 

Rest assured, sir, that the vigorous measures which you have thus been 
enabled to take, and that all further measures in the same direction which 
you may take, for the protection of American lives and property, will re 
ceive the hearty support of the people of the United States, who are now, 
as always, determined that the American citizen shall be protected at any 
cost in all his rights, everywhere, and at all times. 

It is to Manila again,, to our fleet in the bay and our army on the land, 
that we shall owe the power, when these scenes of blood in China are 
closed, to exact reparation, to enforce stern justice, and to insist, in the 
final settlement, upon an open door to all that vast market for our fast 
growing commerce. 

THE POLICY STATED. 

Events, moving with terrible rapidity, have been swift witnesses to the wis 
dom of our action in the East. The Philadelphia Convention has adopted 
your policy, both in the Antilles and the Philippines, and has made it their 
own and that of the Republican party. 
10 



146 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Your election, sir, next November, assures to us the continuance of that 
policy abroad and in our new possessions. To entrust these difficult and 
vital questions to other hands, at once incompetent and hostile, would be 
a disaster to us and a still more unrelieved disaster to our posterity. Your 
election means not only protection to our industries, but the maintenance 
of a sound currency and of the gold standard, the very corner-stones of our 
economic and financial welfare. Should these be shaken, as they would be 
by the success of our opponents, the whole fabric of our business confidence 
and prosperity would fall into ruin. Your defeat would be the signal 
for the advance of free trade, for the anarchy of a debased and unstable cur 
rency, for business panic, depression and hard times, and for the wreck of 
our foreign policy. 

Your election and the triumph of the Republican party which we be 
lieve to be as sure as the coming of the day will make certain the steady 
protection of our industries, sound money and a vigrous and intelligent 
foreign policy. They will continue those conditions of good government 
and wise legislation, so essential to the prosperity and well being which have 
blessed our country in such abundance during the past four years. 

Thus announcing to you, sir, your nomination as the Republican candi 
date for the Presidency, we have the honor also to submit to you the decla 
ration of principles made by the National Convention, which, we trust, 
will receive your approval. We can assure you of the faithful and earnest 
support of the Republican party in every State, and we beg you to believe 
that we discharge, here to-day, with ieelings of the deepest personal grat 
ification, this honorable duty imposed upon us by the convention. 

Senator Lodge s remarks were frequently interrupted with applause. 

PRESIDENT McKINLEY S RESPONSE. 

When Senator Lodge had concluded, the President stepped forward, the 
audience cheered him heartily, and it was some moments before he could 
continue. He spoke as follows: 

Senator Lodge and Gentlemen of the Notification Committee: 

The message which you bring to me is one of signal honor. It is also a 
summons to duty. A single nomination for the office of President by a 
great party, which in thirty-two years out of forty has been triumphant at 
national elections, is a distinction which I gratefully cherish. To receive 
unanimous renomination by the same party is an expression of regard and 
a pledge of continued confidence for which it is difficult to make adequate 
acknowledgment. 

If anything exceeds the honor of the office of President of the United 
States it is the responsibility which attaches to it. Having been invested 
with both, I do not under-appraise either. Any one who has borne the 
anxieties and burdens of the Presidential office, especially in time of na 
tional trial, cannot contemplate assuming it a second time without pro- 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 147 

foundly realizing the severe reactions and the solemn obligations which it 
imposes, and this feeling is accentuated by the momentous problems which 
now press for settlement. If my countrymen shall confirm the action of 
the convention at our national election in November, I shall, craving Divine 
guidance, undertake the exalted trust, to administer it for the interest and 
honor of the country and the well-being of the new peoples who have be 
come the objects of our care. The declaration of principles adopted by the 
convention has my hearty approval. At some future date I will consider 
its subjects in detail, and will by letter communicate to your chairman a 
more formal acceptance of the nomination. 

On a like occasion four years ago I said: 

The party that supplied by legislation the vast revenues for the conduct 
of our greatest war; that promptly restored the credit of the country at 
its close; that from its abundant revenues paid off a large share of the debt 
incurred by this war, and that resumed specie payments and placed our pa 
per currency upon a sound and enduring basis, can be safely trusted to pre 
serve both our credit and currency with honor, stability and inviolability. 
The American people hold the financial honor of our government as sacred 
as our flag, and can be relied upon to guard it with the same sleepless vigi 
lance. They hold its preservation above party fealty, and have often demon 
strated that party ties avail nothing when the spotless credit of our coun 
try is threatened. 

The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner and the pensioner must 
continue forever equal in purchasing and debt-paying power to the dollar 
paid to any government creditor. 

Our industrial supremacy, our productive capacity, our business and com 
mercial prosperity, our labor and its rewards, our national credit and cur 
rency, our proud financial honor, and our splendid free citizenship, the 
birthright of every American, are all involved in the pending campaign, 
and thus every home in the land is directly and intimately connected with 
their proper settlement. 



TRADE MUST BE WON BACK. 

Our domestic trade must be won back, and our idle working people em 
ployed in gainful occupations at American wages. Our home market must 
be restored to its proud rank of first in the world, and our foreign trade, so 
precipitately cut off by adverse national legislation, reopened on fair and 
equitable terms for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products. 

Public confidence must be resumed, and the skill, energy and the capital 
of our country find ample employment at home. The government of the 
United States must raise money enough to meet both its current expenses 
and increasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the 
material interests of our people withe the lightest possible drain upon their 



148 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

resources, and maintaining that high standard of civilization which has dis 
tinguished our country for more than a century of its existence. 

The national credit, which has thus far fortunately resisted every assault 
upon it, must and will be upheld and strengthened. If sufficient revenues 
are provided for the support of the government there will be no necessity 
for borrowing money and increasing the public debt. 

WORK TO FULFILL PROMISES. 

Three and one-half years of legislation and administration have been 
concluded since these words were spoken. Have those to whom was con 
fided the direction of the government kept their pledges? The record is made 
up. The people are not unfamiliar with what has been accomplished. The 
gold standard has been reaffirmed and strengthened. The endless chain 
has been broken and the drain upon our gold reserve no longer frets us. 
The credit of the country has been advanced to the highest place among all 
nations. We are refunding our bonded debt bearing three and four and five 
per cent interest at two per cent, a lower rate than that of any other coun 
try, and already more than three hundred millions have been so refunded, 
with a gain to the government of many millions of dollars. Instead of 16 
to i, for which our opponents contended four years ago, legislation has been 
enacted, which, while utilizing all forms of our money, secures one fixed 
value for every dollar, and that the best known to the civilized world. 

EFFECT OF TARIFF LAW. 

A tariff which protects American labor and industry and provides ample 
revenues has been written in public law. We have lower interest and higher 
wages; more money and fewer mortgages. The world s markets have been 
opened to American products, which go now where they have never gone 
before. We have passed from a bond-issuing to a bond-paying nation; from 
a nation of borrowers to a nation of lenders; from deficiency in revenue to a 
surplus; from fear to confidence; from enforced idleness to profitable em 
ployment. The public faith has been upheld; public order has been main 
tained. We have prosperity at home and prestige abroad. 

Unfortunately the threat of 1896 has just been renewed by the allied par 
ties without abatement or modification. The gold bill has been denounced 
and its repeal demanded. The menace of 16 to i, therefore, still hangs over 
us with all its dire consequences to credit and confidence, to business and 
industry. The enemies of sound currency are rallying their scattered forces. 
The people must once more unite and overcome the advocates of repudia 
tion and must not relax their energy until the battle for public honor and 
honest money shall again triumph. 

PLEDGES FULFILLED. 

A Congress which will sustain, and, if need be, strengthen the present law, 
can prevent a financial catastrophe, which every lover of the republic is in 
terested to avert. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 149 

Not satisfied with assaulting the currency and credit of the government, 
our political adversaries condemn the tariff law enacted at the extra session 
of Congress in 1897, known as the Dingley act, passed in obedience to the 
will of the people, expressed at the election in the preceding November, a 
law which at once stimulated our industries, opened the idle factories and 
mines, and gave to the laborer and to the farmer fair returns for their toil 
and investment. Shall we go back to a tariff which brings deficiency in 
our revenues and destruction to our industrial enterprises? 

Faithful to its pledges in these internal affairs, how has the government 
discharged its international duties? 

THE ANNEXATION OF HAWAII. 

Our platform of 1896 declared "the Hawaiian Islands should be controlled 
by the United States and no foreign power should be permitted to inter 
fere with them." This purpose has been fully accomplished by annexation, 
and delegates from those beautiful islands have participated in the conven 
tion for which you speak to-day. In the great conference of nations at 
The Hague we reaffirmed before the world the Monroe doctrine and our 
adherence to it and our determination not to participate in the complica 
tions of Europe. We have happily ended the European alliance in Samoa, 
securing to ourselves one of the most valuable harbors in the Pacific Ocean, 
while the open door in China gives to us fair and equal competition in the 
vast trade of the Orient. 

THE POSSESSIONS CEDED BY SPAIN. 

Some things have happened which were not promised, nor even foreseen, 
and our purposes in relation to them must not be left in doubt. A just war 
has been waged for humanity, and with it have come new problems and re 
sponsibilities. Spain has been ejected from the Western Hemisphere, and 
our flag floats over her former territory. Cuba has been liberated and our 
guarantees to her people will be sacredly executed. A beneficent govern 
ment has been provided for Porto Rico. The Philippines are ours and 
American authority must be supreme throughout the Archipelago. There 
will be amnesty broad and liberal, but no abatement of our rights, no aban 
donment of our duty. There must be no scuttle policy. We will fulfill 
in the Philippines the obligations imposed by the triumphs of our arms and 
by the treaty of peace, by international law, by the nation s sense of honor, 
and, more than all, by the rights, interests and conditions of the Philippine 
people themselves. 

No outside interference blocks the way to peace and a stable govern 
ment. The obstructionists are here, not elsewhere. They may postpone but 
they cannot defeat the realization of the high purpose of this nation to re 
store order to the islands and to establish a just and generous government, 
in which the inhabitants shall have the largest participation for which they 
are capable. 



150 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The organized forces which have been misled into rebellion have been dis 
persed by our faithful soldiers and sailors, and the people of the islands, de 
livered from anarchy, pillage and oppression, recognize American sover 
eignty as the symbol and pledge of peace, justice, law, righteous freedom, 
education, the security of life and property, and the welfare and prosperity 
of their several communities. 

THE POWER OF CONGRESS. 

We reassert the early principle of the Republican party, sustained by un 
broken judicial precedents, that the representatives of the people in Con 
gress assembled have full legislative power over territory belonging to the 
United States, subject to the fundamental safeguards of liberty, justice and 
personal rights, and are vested with ample authority to act "for the highest 
interests of our nation and the people entrusted to its care." The doctrine, 
first proclaimed in the cause of freedom, will never be used as a weapon for 
oppression. I am glad to be assured by you that what we have done in 
the far East has the approval of the country. 

THE CRISIS IN CHINA. 

The sudden and terrible crisis in China calls for the gravest consideration, 
and you will not expect from me now any further expression than to say 
that my best efforts shall be given to the immediate purpose of protecting 
the lives of our citizens who are in peril, with the ultimate object of the 
peace and welfare of China, the safeguarding of all our treaty rights and 
the maintenaace of those principles of impartial intercourse to which the 
civilized world is pledged. 

GROWTH OF NATIONAL SENTIMENT. 

I cannot conclude without congratulating my countrymen upon the 
strong national sentiment which finds expression in every part of our com 
mon country and the increased respect with which the American name is 
greeted throughout the world. We have been moving in untried paths, but 
our steps have been guided by honor and duty. There will be no turning 
aside, no wavering, no retreat. No blow has been struck except for liberty 
and humanity, and none will be. W r e will perform without fear every na 
tional and international obligation. 

The Republican party was dedicated to freedom forty-four years ago. It 
has been the party of liberty and emancipation from that hour; not of pro 
fession, but of performance. It broke the shackles of 4,000,000 slaves, and 
made them free, and to the party of Lincoln has come another supreme 
opportunity which it has bravely met in the liberation of 10,000,000 of the 
human family from the yoke of imperialism. 

In its solution of great problems, in its performance of high duties, it 
has had the support of members of all parties in the past, and confidently 
invokes their co-operation in the future. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 151 

Permit me to express, Mr. Chairman, my most sincere appreciation of 
the complimentary terms in which you convey the official notice of my nom 
ination, and my thanks to the members of the committee and to the great 
constituency which they represent for this additional evidence of their favor 
and support. 

While the speech of the President closed the formal notification, there 
had not been oratory enough for the gathering, and other speakers were 
called for. 

Senator Hanna, of Ohio; Senator Fairbanks, of Indiana; Charles Emory 
Smith, Postmaster-General; Colonel Samuel Parker, of Hawaii, and others, 
were also heard. 



NOTIFICATION OF HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

Governor Roosevelt was officially notified July 12, 1900, of his nomination 
for the Vice-Presidency, at his country home. Sagamore, near Oyster Bay. 
The notification committee appointed by the Republican Convention at 
Philadelphia left New York on a special train at 10:30 o clock, and made a 
quick run to Oyster Bay, where carriages were in waiting to convey them to 
Sagamore. A number of invited guests accompanied the party, most of 
them prominent New Yorkers. Members of the notification committee 
present were: Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, the Chairman; J. B. Thompson, 
Colorado; A. J. Soper, Connecticut; Alvin D. Connor, Delaware; C. S. 
Hernley, Indiana; J. J. Marsh, Iowa; J. T. Bradley, Kansas; Albert Pierce, 
Maine; Alexander Laverty, Nebraska; Albert Wallace, New Hampshire; F. 
V. Greene, New York; T. S. Rollins, North Carolina; G. C. Rawlins, Ohio; 
J. H. Murdock, Pennsylvania; L. B. Darling, Rhode Island; Emil Brauch, 
South Dakota; G. G. Smithers, Virginia; James Reynolds, Wisconsin; John 
E. Jones, District of Columbia; W. L. Me Williams, Indian Territory; John 
G. Long, Florida; O. C. Strong, Oklahoma. 

Among the invited guests who accompanied the committee were William 
Barnes, Jr.; Douglas Robinson, F. W. Holls, Col. John H. Partridge, Con 
gressman W. A. Wadsworth, and State Senator T. E. Ellsworth. 

There was a miscellaneous collection of vehicles drawn up at the station 
when the special train drew in, ranging from single-seated buggies to big 
carryalls. The committeemen and guests had a good-natured scramble for 
seats, and the long line of turnouts started in a brisk trot over the three 
miles of dusty roads to Sagamore. 

It was noon when the party arrived at its destination. Governor Roose 
velt received them on the wide vine-covered porch of Sagamore. Standing 
on the lower step, under the porte cochere, he grasped the hand of each 
gentleman as he alighted and then, turning, presented each to Mrs. Roose 
velt, who stood on the veranda behind him. As the straggling procession 
was rather slow in arriving, the early arrivals dispersed about the breezy 
verandas and grounds and chatted informally before the formal ceremony of 
notification occurred. 

SENATOR WOLCOTT S SPEECH. 

Shortly after twelve o clock Senator Wolcott called the committee to the 
porch. There in the cool shade of the awnings and vines he read the formal 
notification in his clear and resonant, voice. He said: 

152 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 153 

"Governor Roosevelt: The pleasant duty has devolved upon this com 
mittee, appointed by the National Republican Convention, and representing 
every State in the Union, to make known to you officially the action of the 
convention and to hand you a copy of the platform as adopted, which em 
bodies the principles of the party. 

"The representatives of the Republican party, in convention assembled, 
unanimously and spontaneously selected you as the candidate of the party 
at the next election for the high and dignified office of Vice-President of the 
United States. You were so selected and named through no wish of your 
own, but because the convention believed that you, among all the Republi 
cans in the land, were best fitted and adapted to be the associate of our 
President, in the important and stirring campaign upon which we are enter 
ing. The convention realized that you were needed in the great Empire 
State, whose executive you now are, and whose people would delight still 
further to honor you, but it believed that your path of duty lay for the 
future in the field of national usefulness. 

"You are still a young man, as years are counted; but the country knows 
more of you than of most of its citizens. You were identified, and will ever 
be associated with those efforts toward reform in the civil service which 
command the approval of intelligent men of all political parties. Your 
stirring love of adventure has made you a more familiar figure in Western 
camps and on Western plains than on the avenues of your native city. Your 
sterling Americanism has led you to the mastery of our earlier history, and 
you have told us of the winning of the West with a charm and a spirit that 
have made us all better lovers of our country; while your tales of Western 
hunting and adventure have filled the breast of every lad in the land with 
envy and emulation, and whatever doubts may have existed in the past, now 
that you are our candidate, they will be believed to be true by every good 
Republican. [Laughter and applause.] 

"There is no man whose privilege it was to know you and to associate with 
you while you were the Assistant Secretary of the Navy under President 
McKinley s appointment, who is not eager to testify to the great ability and 
fidelity which characterized your incumbency of that office. Of your services 
to our country during the late war with Spain, it is not necessary for me to 
speak. 

"Your name will ever be identified with the heroic achievements of our 
army, and your warmest friends and most devoted admirers are the gallant 
band of Rough Riders whom you led to victory. 

"This bright and glorious record, however, did not lead that great con 
vention at Philadelphia to insist upon you as its candidate, although it fills 
with pride the heart of every true American. The Republican party has 
chosen you because, from your earliest manhood until to-day, in whatever 
post you have been called upon to fill, and notably during your two years 
of splendid service as chief executive of the State of New York, you have 
everywhere and at all times stood for that which was clean and uplifting, 



154 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

and against everything that was sordid and base. You have shown the 
people of this country that a political career and good citizenship could go 
hand in hand, and that devotion to the public welfare was consistent with 
party membership and party organization. There is not a young man in 
these United States who has not found in your life an influence, an incentive 
to better things and higher ideals. 

"With President McKinley you will lead our ticket to victory, for you have 
both been tested, and in your honor, your patriotism and your civic virtues 
the American people have pride and confidence." 

Senator Wolcott s address was frequently applauded, his reference to 
Governor Roosevelt s hunting stories evoking a hearty laugh. When he 
stepped forward he stood in a clear space on the crowded porch, facing the 
doorway of a reception room, in front of which the Governor stood in erect 
military attitude. 

To fhe left were a number of ladies and other guests of the house, while 
Mrs. Roosevelt stood among them, the three children of the Governor look 
ing on with wide-eyed interest. 

GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT S ACCEPTANCE. 

When Senator Wolcott concluded, Governor Roosevelt stepped a pace 
forward and replied. His voice was clear and firm, and as he proceeded 
there were several interruptions of applause. He said: 

"Mr. Chairman: I accept the honor conferred upon me with the keenest 
and deepest appreciation of what it means, and, above all, of the responsi 
bility that goes with it. Everything that is in my power to do will be done 
to secure the re-election of President McKinley, to whom it has been given 
in this crisis of the national history to stand for and embody the principles 
which lie closest to the heart of every American worthy of the name. 

"This is very much more than a mere party contest. We stand at the 
parting of the ways, and the people have now to decide whether they shall 
go forward along the path of prosperity and high honor abroad, or whether 
they will turn their backs upon what has been done during the past three 
years; whether they will plunge this country into an abyss of misery and 
disaster, or, what is worse than even misery and disaster shame. I feel that 
we have a right to appeal not merely to Republicans, but to all good citizens, 
no matter what may have been their party affiliations in the past, and to ask 
them, on the strength of the record that President McKinley has made dur 
ing the past three years and on the strength of the threat implied in what 
was done in Kansas City a few days ago, to stand shoulder to shoulder with 
us, perpetuating the conditions under which we have reached a degree of 
prosperity never before attained in the nation s history and under which 
abroad we have put the American flag on a level where it never before in the 
history of the country has been placed. For these reasons I feel we have 
a right to look forward with confident expectation to what the verdict of 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 155 

the people will be next November, and to ask all men to whom the well- 
being of the country and the honor of the national name are dear to stand 
with us as we fight for prosperity at home and the honor of the flag abroad/ 

AN INFORMAL POSTCRIPT. 

A round of applause broke out as the Governor concluded; but he checked 
it instantly by saying: 

"Gentlemen, one moment, please. Here, Ned," he cried to Senator Wol- 
cott. "this is not for the National Committee, but I want to say this to my 
friends. Friends of my own State who are here, just let me say I appreciate 
seeing so many of you here to-day. I want to say I am more than honored 
and pleased at having been made a candidate for Vice-President on the na 
tional ticket; but you cannot imagine how badly I feel at leaving the men 
with whom I have endeavored and worked for civic decency and righteous 
ness and honesty in New York." 

This little postscript to his formal speech was heartily applauded, and the 
Governor remarked: 

"I shall ask you, gentlemen, to step this way, as some misguided photo 
graphers wish to take our photographs." 

The crowd followed him to the east veranda, where the photographs were 
taken. 

Refreshments were then served on the porches and in the dining room, 
and a half hour of general conversation followed. 

At 1:15 P. M. the party left and started on the return drive to Oyster Bay, 
where the special train awaited them. 

On reaching the railway station the following telegram was sent to Presi 
dent McKinley: 

The committee appointed to notify Governor Roosevelt of his nomina 
tion to the Vice-Presidency have fulfilled that pleasant duty and join in this 
message of congratulation and good-will. 

[Signed] "EDWARD O. WOLCOTT." 



THE LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE. 

PRESIDENT McKINLEY S LETTER. 

SOUND MONEY THE IMMEDIATE ISSUE REVIEW OF FINAN 
CIAL AND INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS THE MERCHANT 
MARINE AND DEVELOPMENT OF CARRYING TRADE THE 
ISTHMIAN CANAL SUGGESTIONS RESPECTING TRUSTS 
THE CIVIL SERVICE OUR PLEDGES TO CUBA THE PARIS 
TREATY OUR TITLE, AND OUR DUTY TO MAINTAIN OUR 
SOVEREIGNTY AND FLAG THE PHILIPPINE SITUATION 
OUTLINED AND OUR POSITION PLAINLY STATED. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, 
WASHINGTON, D. C, Sept. 8, 1900. 
Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman Notification Committee: 

MY DEAR SIR: The nomination of the Republican National Convention, 
of June 19, 1900, for the office of President of the United States, which, as 
the official representative of the Convention, you have conveyed to me, is 
accepted. I have carefully examined the platform adopted, and give to it 
my hearty approval. Upon the great issue of the last national election it 
is clear. It upholds the gold standard and indorses the legislation of the 
present Congress by which that standard has been effectively strengthened. 
The stability of our national currency is therefore secure so long as those 
who adhere to this platform are kept in control of the government. In the 
first battle, that of 1896, the friends of the gold standard and of sound cur 
rency were triumphant and the country is enjoying the fruits of that victory. 
Our antagonists, however, are not satisfied. They compel us to a second 
battle upon the same lines on which the first was fought and won. While 
regretting the reopening of this question, which can only disturb the present 
satisfactory financial condition of the government and visit uncertainty 
upon our great business enterprises, we accept the issue and again invite 
the sound money forces to join in winning another and, we hope, a per 
manent triumph for an honest financial system, which will continue in 
violable the public faith. 

As in 1896, the three silver parties, are united under the same leader who 
immediately after the election of that year, in an address to the bimetallists,. 
said: 

156 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 157 

The friends of bimetallism have not been vanquished; they have simply 
been overcome. They believe that the gold standard is a conspiracy of the 
money-changers against the welfare of the human race, and they will con- 
tfnue the warfare against it." 

The policy thus proclaimed has been accepted and confirmed by these 
parties. The Silver Democratic platform of 1900 continues the warfare 
against the so-called gold conspiracy when it expressly says, "we reiterate 
the demand of that (the Chicago) platform of 1896 for an American financial 
system made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore 
and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as part of such system the im 
mediate restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at 
the present ratio of 16 to I, without waiting for the aid or consent of any 
other nation." 

So the issue is presented. It will be noted that the demand is for the 
immediate restoration of the free coinage of silver at 16 to I. If another 
issue is paramount, this is immediate. It will admit of no delay and will 
suffer no postponement. 

/ Turning to the other associated parties, we find in the Populist national 
platform, adopted at Sioux Falls, S. D., May 10, 1900, the following 
declaration: 

^ "We pledge anew the People s Party never to cease the agitation until 
this financial conspiracy is blotted from the statute book, the Lincoln green 
back restored, the bonds all paid and all corporation money forever retired. 
We reaffirm the demand for the reopening of the mints of the United 
States for the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present 
legal ratio of 16 to I, the immediate increase in the volume of silver coins 
and certificates thus created to be substituted, dollar for dollar, for the bank 
notes issued by private corporations under special privilege, granted by 
law of March 14, 1900, and prior national banking laws." 

^ The platform of the Silver party adopted at Kansas City July 6, 1900, 
makes the following announcement: 

"We declare it to be our intention to lend our efforts to the repeal of this 
currency law, which not only repudiates the ancient and time-honored prin 
ciples of the American people before the Constitution was adopted, but is 
violative of the principles of the Constitution itself; and we shall not cease 
our efforts until there has been established in its place a monetary system 
based upon the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold into money 
at the present legal ratio of 16 to I by the independent action of the United 
States, under which system all paper money shall be issued by the govern 
ment and all such money coined or issued shall be a full legal tender in pay 
ment of all debts, public and private, without exception." 

In all three platforms these parties announce that their efforts shall be 
unceasing until the gold act shall be blotted from the statute books and 
the free and unlimited coinage of silver at 16 to I shall take its place. 

The relative importance of the issues I do not stop to discuss. All of 



158 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

them are important. Whichever party is successful will be bound in con 
science to carry into administration and legislation its several declarations 
and doctrines. One declaration will be as obligatory as another, but all 
are not immediate. It is not possible that these parties would treat the doc 
trine of 16 to i, the immediate realization of which is demanded by their 
several platforms, as void and inoperative in the event that they should be 
clothed with power. Otherwise their profession of faith is insincere. It is, 
therefore, the imperative business of those opposed to this financial heresy 
to prevent the triumph of the parties whose union is only assured by ad 
herence to the silver issue. Will the American people, through indifference 
or fancied security, hazard the overthrow of the wise financial legislation 
of the past year and revive the danger of the silver standard, with all of the 
inevitable evils of shattered confidence and general disaster which justly 
alarmed and aroused them in 1896? 

The Chicago platform of 1896 is reaffirmed in its entirety by the Kansas 
City Convention. Nothing has been omitted or recalled; so that all the 
perils then threatened are presented anew with the added force of a delib 
erate reaffirmation. Four years ago the people refused to place the seal of 
their approval upon these dangerous and revolutionary policies, and this 
year they will not fail to record again their earnest dissent, 
v The Republican party remains faithful to its principles of a tariff which 
supplies sufficient revenues for the government and adequate protection to 
our enterprises and producers; and of reciprocity which opens foreign 
markets to the fruits of American labor, and furnishes new channels through 
which, to market the surplus of American farms. The time-honored prin 
ciples of protection and reciprocity were the first pledges of Republican 
victory to be written into public law. 

The present Congress has given to Alaska a territorial government for 
which it had waited more than a quarter of a century; has established a rep 
resentative government in Hawaii; has enacted bills for the most liberal 
treatment of the pensioners and their widows; has revived the free home 
stead policy. In its great financial law it provided for the establishment 
of banks of issue with a capital of $25,000 for the benefit of villages and 
rural communities, and bringing the opportunity for profitable business in 
banking within the reach of moderate capital. Many are already availing 
themselves of this privilege. 

During the past year more than nineteen millions of United States bonds 
have been paid from the surplus revenues of the Treasury and in addition 
twenty-five millions of two per cents matured, called by the government, are 
in process of payment. Pacific Railroad bonds issued by the government in 
aid of the roads in the sum of nearly forty-four million dollars have been paid 
since December 31, 1897. The Treasury balance is in satisfactory condition, 
showing on September i, $135,419,000, in addition to the $150,000,000 gold 
reserve held in the Treasury. The government s relations with the Pacific 
railroads have been substantially closed, $124,421,000 being received from 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 159 

these roads, the greater part in cash and the remainder with ample securities 
for payments deferred. 

Instead of diminishing, as was predicted four years ago, the volume of 
our currency is greater, per capita, than it has ever been. It was $21.10 in 
1896. It had increased to $26.50 on July I, 1900, and $26.85 on September I, 
1900. Our total money on July I, 1896, was $1,506,434,966; on July I, 1900, 
it was $2,062,425,496, and $2,096,683,042 on September i, 1900. 

Our industrial and agricultural conditions are more promising than they 
have been for many years; probably more so than they have ever been. 
Prosperity abounds everywhere throughout the republic. I rejoice that the 
Southern, as well as the Northern, States are enjoying a full share of these 
improved national conditions, and that all are contributing so largely to our 
remarkable industrial development. The money lender receives lower re 
wards for his capital than if it were invested in active business. The rates of 
interest are lower than they have ever been in this country, while those 
things which are produced on the farm and in the workshop, and the labor 
producing them, have advanced in value. 

Our foreign trade shows a satisfactory and increasing growth. The 
amount of our exports for the year 1900 over those of the exceptionally 
prosperous year of 1899 was about $500,000 for every day of the year, and 
these sums have gone into the homes and enterprises of the people. There 
has been an increase of over $50,000,000 in the exports of agricultural pro 
ducts; $92,692,220 in manufactures, and in the products of the mines over 
$10,000,000. Our trade balances cannot fail to give satisfaction to the people 
of the country. In 1898 we sold abroad $615,432,676 of products more 
than we bought abroad; in 1899 $529,874,813, and in 1900 $544,471,701, 
making during the three years a total balance in our favor of $1,689,779,190 
nearly five times the balance of trade in our favor for the whole period of 
108 years from 1790 to June 30, 1897, inclusive. 

Four hundred and thirty-six million dollars of gold have been added to 
the gold stock of the United States since July i, 1896. The law of March 
14, 1900, authorized the refunding into 2 per cent, bonds of that part of the 
public debt represented by the 3 per cents due in 1908, the 4 per cents due in 
1907, and the 5 per cents due in 1904, aggregating $840,000,000. More than 
one-third of the sum of these bonds was refunded in the first three months 
after the passage of the act, and on September i the sum had been increased 
more than $33,000,000, making in all $330,578,050, resulting in a net saving 
of over $8,379,520. The ordinary receipts of the government for the fiscal 
year 1900 were $79,527,060 in excess of its expenditures. 

While our receipts, both from customs and internal revenue, have been 
greatly increased, our expenditures have been decreasing. Civil and miscel 
laneous expenses for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900, were nearly 
$14,000,000 less than in 1899, while on the war account there is a decrease 
of more than $95,000,000. There were required $8,000,000 less to support 
the navy this year than last, and expenditures on account of Indians were 
nearly two and three-quarter million dollars less than in 1899. The only 



160 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

two items of increase in the public expenses of 1900 over 1899 are for pen 
sions and interest on the public debt. For 1899 we expended for pensions 
$139,394,929, and for the fiscal year 1900 our payments on this account 
amounted to $140,877,316. The net increase of interest on the public debt of 
1900 over 1899, required by the war loan, was $263,408.25. While Congress 
authorized the government to make a war loan of $400,000,000 at the be 
ginning of the war with Spain, only $200,000,000 of bonds were issued, 
bearing 3 per cent, interest, which were promptly and patriotically taken by 
our citizens. 

Unless something unforeseen occurs to reduce our revenues or increase 
our expenditures, the Congress at its next session should reduce taxation 
very materially. 

Five years ago we were selling government bonds bearing as high as 5 
per cent, interest. Now we are redeeming them with a bond at par bearing 
2 per cent, interest. We are selling our surplus products and lending our 
surplus money to Europe. One result of our selling to other nations so 
much more than we have bought from them during the past three years is 
a radical improvement of our financial relations. The great amounts of 
capital which have been borrowed of Europe for our rapid, material devel 
opment have remained a constant drain upon our resources for interest and 
dividends and made our money markets liable to constant disturbances by 
calls for payment or heavy sales of our securities whenever money strin 
gency or panic occurred abroad. We have now been paying these debts 
and bringing home many of our securities, and establishing countervailing 
credits abroad by our loans and placing ourselves upon a sure foundation 
of financial independence. 

In the unfortunate contest between Great Britain and the Boer States of 
South Africa, the United States has maintained an attitude of neutrality in 
accordance with its well-known traditional policy. It did not hesitate 
however, when requested by the governments of the South African repub 
lics, to exercise its good offices for a cessation of hostilities. It is to be ob 
served that while the South African republics made like request of other 
powers, the United States is the only one which complied. The British 
government declined to accept the intervention of any power. 

Ninety-one per cent, of our exports and imports are now carried by 
foreign ships. For ocean transportation we pay annually to foreign ship 
owners over $165,000,000. We ought to own the ships for our carrying trade 
with the world, and we ought to build them in American shipyards and man 
them with American sailors. Our own citizens should receive the transpor 
tation charges now paid to foreigners. I have called the attention of Con 
gress to this subject in my several annual messages. In that of December 
6, 1897, I said: 

"Most desirable from every standpoint of national interest and patriotism 
is the effort to extend our foreign commerce. To this end our merchant 
marine should be improved and enlarged; we should do our full share of 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 161 

the carrying trade of the world. We do not do it now. We should be the 
laggard no longer." 

In my message of December 5, 1899, I said: 

"Our national development will be one-sided and unsatisfactory so long 
as the remarkable growth of our inland industries remains unaccompanied 
by progress on the seas. There is no lack of constitutional authority for 
legislation which shall give to the country maritime strength commensurate 
with its industrial achievements and with its rank among the nations of 
the earth. 

"The past year has recorded exceptional activity in our shipyards, and 
the promises of continual prosperity in shipbuilding are abundant. Ad 
vanced legislation for the protection of our seamen has been enacted. Our 
coast trade, under regulations wisely framed at the beginning of the govern 
ment and since, shows results for the past fiscal year unequaled in our 
records or those of any other power. We shall fail to realize our opportu 
nities, however, if we complacently regard only matters at home and blind 
ourselves to the necessity of securing our share in the valuable carrying 
trade of the world." 

I now reiterate these views. 

A subject of immediate importance to our country is the completion of a 
great water-way of commerce between the Atlantic and Pacific. The con 
struction of a maritime canal is now more than ever indispensable to that 
intimate and ready communication between our eastern and western sea- 
/ports demanded by the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands and the expan- 
V sion of our influence and trade in the Pacific. 

Our national policy more imperatively than ever calls for its completion 
and control by this government, and it is believed that the next session of 
Congress, after receiving the full report of the commission appointed under 
the act approved March 3, 1899, will make provisions for the sure accom 
plishment of this great work. 

Combinations of capital which control the market in commodities neces 
sary to the general use of the people, by suppressing natural and ordinary 
competition, thus enhancing prices to the general consumer, are obnoxious 
to the common law and the public welfare. They are dangerous conspira 
cies against the public good and should be made the subject of prohibitory 
or penal legislation. Publicity will be a helpful influence to check this evil. 
Uniformity of legislation in the several States should be secured. Discrimi 
nation between what is injurious and what is useful and necessary in busi 
ness operations is essential to the wise and effective treatment of this sub 
ject. Honest co-operation of capital is necessary to meet new business con 
ditions and extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but conspiracies 
and combinations intended to restrict business, create monopolies, and con 
trol prices, should be effectively restrained. 

The best service which can be rendered to labor is to afford it an oppor- 
ii 



162 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

tunity for steady and remunerative employment, and give it every encour 
agement for advancement. The policy that subserves this end is the true 
American policy. The past three years have been more satisfactory to 
American workingmen than many preceding years. Any change of the 
present industrial or financial policy of the government would be disastrous 
to their highest interests. With prosperity at home and an increasing for 
eign market for American products, employment should continue to wait 
upon labor, and with the present gold standard the workingman is secured 
against payments for his labor in a depreciated currency. For labor, a 
short day is better than a short dollar; one will lighten the burdens, the 
other lessen the rewards of toil. The one will promote contentment and in 
dependence; the other penury and want. The wages of labor should be 
adequate to keep the home in comfort, educate the children, and, with 
thrift and economy, lay something by for the days of infirmity and old age. 

Practical civil service reform has always had the support and encourage 
ment of the Republican party. The future of the merit system is safe in its 
hands. 

During the present administration, as occasions have arisen for modifi 
cation or amendment in the existing civil service law and rules they have 
been made. Important amendments were promulgated by Executive order, 
under date of May 29, 1899, having for their principal purpose the exception 
from competitive examination of certain places involving fiduciary responsi 
bilities, or duties of a strictly confidential, scientific, or executive character, 
which it was thought might better be filled either by non-competitive ex 
amination or by other tests of fitness in the discretion of the appointing 
officer. It is gratifying that the experience of more than a year has vindi 
cated these changes in the marked improvement of the public service. 

The merit system, as far as practicable, is made the basis for appointments 
to office in our new territory. 

^he American people are profoundly grateful to the soldiers, sailors, and 
marines who have in every time of conflict fought their country s battles 
and defended its honor. The survivors and the widows and orphans of 
those who have fallen are justly entitled to receive the generous and con 
siderate care of the nation. Few are now left of those who fought in the 
Mexican war, and while many of the veterans of the civil war are still spared 
to us, their numbers are rapidly diminishing, and age and infirmity are in 
creasing their dependence. These, with the soldiers of the Spanish war, will 
not be neglected by their grateful countrymen. The pension laws have 
been liberal. They should be justly administered, and will be. Preference 
should be given to the soldiers, sailors, and marines, their widows and 
orphans, with respect to employment in the public service. 

We have been in possession of Cuba since the ist of January, 1899. We 
have restored order and established domestic tranquility. We have fed 
the starving, clothed the naked, and ministered to the sick. We have im 
proved the sanitary condition of the island. We have stimulated industry, 
introduced public education, and taken a full and comprehensive enumera- 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 16;> 

lion of the inhabitants. The qualification of electors has been settled and 
under it officers have been chosen for all the municipalities of Cuba. These 
local governments are now in operation, administered by the people. Our 
military establishment has been reduced from forty-three thousand soldiers 
to less than six thousand. An election has been ordered to be held on the 
I5th of September under a fair election law already tried in the municipal 
elections, to choose members of a constitutional convention, and the con 
vention by the same order is to assemble on the first Monday of November 
to frame a constitution upon which an independent government for the 
island will rest. All this is a long step in the fulfillment of our sacred 
guarantees to the people of Cuba. 

We hold Porto Rico by the same title as the Philippines. The treaty of 
peace which ceded us the one conveyed to us the other. Congress has given 
to this island a government in which the inhabitants participate, elect their 
own legislature, enact their own local laws, provide their own system of 
taxation, and in these respects have the same power and privileges enjoyed 
by other Territories belonging to the United States, and a much larger 
measure of self-government than was given to the inhabitants of Louisiana 
under Jefferson. A district court of the United States for Porto Rico has 
been established and local courts have been inaugurated, all of which are 
in operation. The generous treatment of the Porto Ricans accords with 
the most liberal thought of our own country and encourages the best as 
pirations of the people of the island. While they do not have instant free 
commercial intercourse with the United States, Congress complied with my 
recommendation by removing, on the ist day of May last, 85 per cent, of 
the duties and providing for the removal of the remaining 15 per cent, on 
the ist of March, 1902, or earlier, if the legislature of Porto Rico shall pro 
vide local revenues for the expenses of conducting the government. During 
this intermediate period Porto Rican products coming into the United 
States pay a tariff of 15 per cent, of the rates under the Dingley act, and 
our goods going to Porto Rico pay a like rate. The duties thus paid and 
collected both in Porto Rico and the United States are paid to the govern 
ment of Porto Rico, and no part thereof is taken by the national govern 
ment. All of the duties from November i, 1898, to June 30, 1900, aggregating 
the sum of $2,250,523.21, paid at the custom-houses in the United States 
upon Porto Rican products, under the laws existing prior to the above- 
mentioned act of Congress; have gone into the treasury of Porto Rico to 
relieve the destitute and for schools and other public purposes. In addition 
to this, we have expended for relief, education, and improvement of roads 
the sum of $1,513,084.95. The United States military force in the island has 
been reduced from 11,000 to 1,500, and native Porto Ricans constitute for the 
most part the local constabulary. 

Under the new law and the inauguration of civil government there has 
been a gratifying revival of business. The manufactures of Porto Rico are 
developing; her imports are increasing; her tariff is yielding increased re 
turns; her fields are being cultivated; free schools are being established. 



164 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Notwithstanding the many embarrassments incident to a change of national 
conditions, she is rapidly showing the good effects of her new relations to 
this nation. 

For the sake of full and intelligent understanding of the Philippine ques 
tion, and to give to the people authentic information of the acts and aims 
of the administration, I present at some length the events of importance 
leading up to the present situation. The purposes of the Executive are 
best revealed and can best be judged by what he has done and is doing. It 
will be seen that the power of the government has been used for the liberty, 
the peace, and the prosperity of the Philippine peoples, and that force has 
been employed only against force which stood in the way of the realization 
of these ends. 

On the 25th day of April, 1898, Congress declared that a state of war 
existed between Spain and the United States. On May i, 1898, Admiral 
Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. On May 19, 1808, Maj. 
Gen. Merritt, U. S. A., was placed in command of the military expedition 
to Manila, and directed, among other things, to immediately "publish a 
proclamation declaring that we come not to make war upon the people 
of the Philippines nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protect 
them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and relig 
ious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, 
co-operate with the United States in its efforts to give effect to this benefi 
cent purpose will receive the reward of its support and protection." 

On July 3, 1898, the Spanish fleet in attempting to escape from Santiago 
harbor was destroyed by the American fleet, and on July 17, 1898, the Spanish 
garrison in the city of Santiago surrendered to the commander of the Ameri 
can forces. 

Following these brilliant victories, on the I2th day of August, 1898, upon 
the initiative of Spain, hostilities were suspended, and a protocol was signed, 
with a view to arranging terms of peace between the two governments. In 
pursuance thereof I appointed as commissioners the following distinguished 
citizens to conduct the negotiations on the part of the United States: Hon. 
William R. Day, of Ohio; Hon. William P. Frye, of Maine; Hon. Cushman 
K. Davis, of Minnesota; Hon. George Gray, of Delaware, and Hon. White- 
law Reid, of New York. 

In addressing the Peace Commission before its departure for Paris, 
I said: 

"It is my wish that throughout the negotiations intrusted to the commis 
sion the purpose and spirit with which the United States accepted the unwel 
come necessity of war should be kept constantly in view. We took up arms 
only in obedience to the dictates of humanity and in the fulfillment ot high 
public and moral obligations. We bad no design of aggrandizement and 
nn ambition pf rnnrpiPQt Through the long course of repeated representa 
tions which preceded and aimed to avert the struggle, and in the final arbi 
trament of force, this country was impelled solely by the purpose of reliev- 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 165 

ing grievous wrongs and removing long existing conditions which disturbed 
its tranquility, which shocked the moral sense of mankind, and which could 
no longer be endured. 

"It is my earnest wish that the United States, in making peace, should 
follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing war. It 
should be as scrupulous and magnanimous in the concluding settlement as 
it was just and humane in its original action. * * * 

"Our aim in the adjustment of peace should be directed to lasting results 
and to the achievement of the common good under the demands of civili 
zation, rather than to ambitious designs. * * * 

"Without any original thought of complete or even partial acquisition, 
the presence and success of our arms at Manila impose upon us obligations 
which we cannot disregard. The march of events rules and overrules human 
action. Avowing unreservedly the purpose which has animated all our 
efforts and still solicitous to adhere to it, we cannot be unmindful that 
without any desire or design on our part the war has brought us new duties 
and responsibilities which we must meet and discharge as becomes a great 
nation, on whose growth and career from the beginning, the Ruler of Na 
tions has plainly written the high command and pledge of civilization." 

On October 28, 1898, while the peace commission was continuing its nego 
tiations in Paris, the following additional instruction was sent: 

"It is imperative upon us that as victors we should be governed only by 
motives which will exalt our nation. Territorial expansion should be ojur 
least concern; that we shall not shirk the moral obligations of our victory 
is of the greatest" It is undisputed that Spain s authority is perm a nently 
destroyed in every part of the Philippines. /To leave any part in her feeble 
control now would increase our difficulties and be opposed^ to""tfi e~ interests 
prrTurnanity. * *~~~* Nor can we permit Spain to Jnmsfer_jmy""of the 
islands_J:o another power! "K or "can we invite^ another power or powers to 
join truTTlnited States m so^rej^rrty^ave^them^ We must either hold Them 
"or^turn them bacfc to Spain. 

"Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen as are the 
difficulties which are Before us, the President can see but one plain path^of 
duty, Jjhe acceptance of the archipelago. Greater difficulties and more 
serious complications administrative and international would follow any 
other course. The President has given to the views of the commissioners 
the fullest consideration, and in reaching the conclusion above announced 
in the light of information communicated to the commission and to the 
President, since your departure, he has been influenced by the single con 
sideration of duty and humanity. The President is not unmindful of the 
distressed financial condition of Spain, and whatever consideration the 
United States may show must come from its sense of generosity and benevo 
lence, rather than from any real or technical obligation." 

Again, on November 13, I instructed the commission: 

"From the standpoint of indemnity, both the archipelagoes (Porto Rico 



166 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

and the Philippines) are insufficient to pay our war expenses; but, aside from 
this, do we not owe an obligation to the people of the Philippines which 
will not permit us to return them to the sovereignty of Spain? Could we 
justify ourselves in such a course, or could we permit their barter to some 
other power? Willing or not, we have the responsibility of duty which we 
cannot escape. * * * The President cannot believe anydivision of the 
arcjiip_elagocan bring usanvthing but embarrassment irTThe future. The 
trade and commerciarsicfe, as well as the indemnity for the cost of the war, 
are questions we might yield. They might be waived or compromised, but 
the questions of duty and humanity appeal to the President so strongly that 
he can find no appropriate answer but the one he has here marked out." 

The treaty of peace was concluded on December 10, 1898. By its terms 
the archipelago, known as the Philippine Islands, was ceded by Spain to 
the United States. It_was also provided Jhat "the civil rights and political 
status _of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United 
States shalT be determined by the Congress." Eleven days thereafter, on 
December 21, the foTTowmg~"3Tf ection Was given to the commander of our 
forces in the Philippines: 

"* * * The military commander of the United States is enjoined to 
make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that in succeeding 
to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former political relations of the 
inhabitants and in establishing a new political power, the authority of the 
United States is to be exerted for the securing of the persons and property 
of the people of the island and for the confirmation of all their private rights 
and relations. It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupa 
tion to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come, 
not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives in their 
homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights." 

In order to facilitate the most humane, pacific, and effective extension of 
authority throughout these islands, and to secure, with the least possible 
delay, the benefits of a wise and generous protection of life and property to 
the inhabitants, I appointed in January, 1899, a commission consisting of 
Hon. Jacob Gould Schurman, of New York; Admiral George Dewey, U. S. 
N. ; Hon. Charles Denby, of Indiana; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michi 
gan, and Maj. Gen. Elwell S. Otis, U. S. A. 

Their instructions contained the following: 

"In the performance of this duty the commissioners are enjoined to meet 
at the earliest possible day in the city of Manila and to announce, by public 
proclamation, their presence and the mission intrusted to them, carefully 
setting forth that, while the military government already proclaimed is to be 
maintained and continued so long as necessity may require, efforts will be 
made to alleviate the burden of taxation, to establish industrial and com 
mercial prosperity, and to provide for the safety of persons and of property 
by such means as may be found conducive to these ends. 

"The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with the military 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 167 

authorities of the United States now in control of the Philippines, to ascer 
tain what amelioration in the condition of the inhabitants and what improve 
ment in public order may be practicable, and for this purpose they will 
study attentively the existing social and political state of the various popula 
tions, particularly as regards the forms of local government, the adminis 
tration of justice, the collection of customs and other taxes, the means of 
transportation, and the need of public improvements. They will report 
* * * the results of their observations and reflections, and will recom- 
r mend such Executive action as may from time to time seem to them wise 
and useful. 

The commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively with 
any persons resident in the islands from whom they may believe themselves 
able to derive information or suggestions valuable for the purpose of their 
commission, or whom they may choose to employ as agents, as may be 
necessary for this purpose. * * * 

It is my desire that in all their relations with the inhabitants of the 
islands the commissioners exercise due respect for all the ideals, customs, 
and institutions of the tribes which compose the population, emphasizing 
upon all occasions the just and beneficent intentions of the government of the 
United States. It is also my wish and expectation that the commissioners 
may be received in a manner due to the honored and authorized represen 
tatives of the American republic, duly commissioned on account of their 
knowledge, skill, and integrity as bearers of the good will, the protection, 
and the richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation." 

On the 6th of February, 1899, the treaty was ratified by the Senate of the 
United States, and the Congress immediately appropriated $20,000,000 to 
carry out its provisions. The ratifications were exchanged by the United 
States and Spain on the nth of April, 1899. 

As early as April, 1899, the Philippine Commission, of which Dr. Schur- 
man was president, endeavored to bring about peace in the islands by re 
peated conferences with leading Tagalogs representing the so-called insur 
gent government, to the end that some general plan of government might 
be offered them which they would accept. So great was the satisfaction of 
the insurgent commissioners with the form of government proposed by the 
American commissioners that the latter submitted the proposed scheme to 
me for approval and my action thereon is shown by the cable message fol 
lowing: 

"May 5, 1899. 
"Schmrman, Manila: 

"Yours 4th received. You are authorized to propose that under the mili 
tary power of the President, pending action of Congress, government of 
the Philippine Islands shall consist of a governor general appointed by the 
President; cabinet appointed by tlie governor general; a general advisory 
council elected by the people; the qualifications of electors to be carefully 
considered and determined; and the governor general to have absolute veto. 
Judiciary strong and independent; principal judges appointed by the Presi- 



168 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

dent. The cabinet and judges to be chosen Trom natives or Americans, or 
both, having regard for fitness. The President earnestly desires the cessa 
tion of bloodshed, and that the people of the Philippine Islands at an early 
date shall have the largest measure of local self-government consistent with 
peace and good order." 

In the latter part of May another group of representatives came from the 
insurgent leader. The whole matter was fully discussed with them an d 
promise of acceptance seemed near at hand. They assured our commis 
sioners they would return after consulting their leader, but they never did. 

As a result of the views expressed by the first Tagalog representative 
favorable to the plan of the commission it appears that he was, by military 
order of the insurgent leader, stripped of his shoulder straps, dismissed from 
the army, and sentenced to twelve years imprisonment. 

The views of the commission are best set forth in their own words: 

"Deplorable as war is, the one in which we are now engaged was una 
voidable by iis. We were attacked by a bold, adventurous and enthusiastic 
army. No alternative was left to us except ignominious retreat. 

"It is not to be conceived of that any American would have sanctioned 
the surrender of Manila to the insurgents. (Our obligations to other nations 
and to the friendly Filipinos and, to ourselves, and our flag_demanded that 
force should Ke met by Jorce) Whatever the future of the Philippines may 
be7 there ls~no course open to us now except the prosecution of the^ war 
until theJjG^urjyerits are reduced to submission! The commission is of the 
opinion that thefeTias been no time since the destruction of the Spanish 
squadron by Admiral Dewey when it was possible to withdraw our forces 
from the islands either with honor to ourselves or with safety to the in 
habitants." 

After th e most thorough study of the peoples of the archipelago the com 
mission reported, among other things: 

"Their lack of education and political experience, combined with their 
racial and linguistic diversities, disqualified them, in spite of their mental 
gifts and domestic virtues, to undertake the task of governing the archi 
pelago at the present time. The most that can be expected of them is to 
co-operate with the Americans in the administration of general affairs, from 
Manila as a center, ariH to undertake, subject to American control or guid 
ance (as may be found necessary), the administration of provincial and 
municipal affairs. * * * 

(^Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn, the commission believes 
that the government of the Philippines would speedily lapse into anarchy, 
which would excuse, if it did not necessitate, the intervention of other 
powers and the eventual division of the islands among them/ Only through 
American occupation, therefore^_isjji. idea of a free,; self-governing, and 
united Philippine commonwealth at all conceivable. J * * 

"Thus the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of national 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 169 

honor in forbidding our abandonment of the archipelago. We cannot, from 
any point of view, escape the responsibilities of government which our 
sovereignty entails, and the commission is strongly persuaded that the per 
formance of our national duty will prove the greatest blessing to the peoples 
of the Philippine Islands." 

Satisfied that nothing further could be accomplished in pursuance of their 
mission until the rebellion was suppressed, and desiring to place before the 
Congress the result of their observations, I requested the commission to 
return to the United States. Their most intelligent and comprehensive re 
port was submitted to Congress. 

In March, 1900, believing that the insurrection was practically ended, and 
earnestly desiring to promote the establishment of a stable government in 
the archipelago, I appointed the following civil commission: Hon. William 
H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; Hon. Luke I. 
Wright, of Tennessee; Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Hon. Bernard 
Moses, of California. My instructions to them contained the following: 

"You (the Secretary of War) will instruct the commission * * * to 
devote their attention, in the first instance, to the establishment of munici 
pal governments in which the natives of the islands, both in the cities and 
in the rural communities, shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their 
own local affairs, to the fullest extent of which they are capable, and subject 
to the least degree of supervision and control which a careful study of their 
capacities and observation of the workings of native control show to be 
consistent with the maintenance of law, order, and loyalty. * * * When 
ever the commission is of the opinion that the condition of affairs in the 
islands is such that the central administration may safely be transferred from 
military to civil control, they will report that conclusion to you (the Secre 
tary of War), with their recommendations as to the form of central govern 
ment to be established for the purpose of taking over the control. * * * 

"Beginning with the ist day of September, 1900, the authority to exercise, 
subject to my approval, through the Secretary of War, that part of the 
power of government in the Philippine Islands, which is of a legislative 
nature, is to be transferred from the military governor of the islands to this 
commission, to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead of 
the military governor, under such rules and regulations as you (the Secre 
tary of War) shall prescribe, until the establishment of the civil central gov 
ernment for the islands contemplated in the last foregoing paragraph or 
until Congress shall otherwise provide. Exercise of this legislative author 
ity will include the making of rules and orders having the effect of law for 
the raising of revenue by taxes, customs duties and imposts; the appropria 
tion and expenditure of the public funds of the islands; the establishment of 
an educational system throughout the islands; the establishment of a system 
to secure an efficient civil service; the organization and establishment of 
courts; the organization and establishment of municipal and departmental 
governments; and all other matters of a civil nature for whjch the military 
governor is now competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative 



170 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

character. The commission will also have power during the same period to 
appoint to office such officers under the judicial, educational and civil ser 
vice systems and in the municipal and departmental governments as shall 
be provided for. * * * " 

Until Congress shall take action, I directed that: 

"Upon every division and branch of the government of the Philippines 
must be imposed these inviolable rules: 

"That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due 
process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use with 
out just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall 
enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and 
cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, 
to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to 
have the assistance of counsel for his defense; that excessive bail shall not 
be. required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment 
inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in jeopardy for the same offense, 
or be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; that 
the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not 
be violated; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist except 
as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder, or ex-post facto law 
shall be passed; that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech 
or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and peti 
tion the government for a redress of grievances; that no law shall be made 
respecting the establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise 
thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and 
worship without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed. * * * 

"It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend, and, as 
they find occasion, to improve, the system of education already inaugurated 
by the military authorities. In doing this they should regard as of first 
importance the extension of a system of primary education which shall be 
free to all, and which shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship 
and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. * * * Es 
pecial attention should be at once given to affording full opportunity to all 
the people of the islands to acquire the use of the English language. * * * 

"Upon all officers and employes of the United States, froth civil and 
military, should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe, not merely the 
material but the personal and social rights of the people of the islands, and 
to treat them with the same courtesy and respect for their personal dignity 
which the people of the United States are accustomed to require from each 
other. 

"The articles of capitulation of the city of Manila on the I3th of August, 
1898, concluded with these words: 

" This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its educa 
tional establishments, and its private property of all descriptions are placed 
under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American army. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 171 

"I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. A high and sacred 
obligation rests upon the government of the United States to give protec 
tion for property and life, civil and religious freedom, and wise, firm, and 
unselfish guidance in the paths of peace and prosperity, to all the people of 
the Philippine Islands. I charge this commission to labor for the full per 
formance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and conscience of 
their country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the inhabitants 
of the Philippine Islands may come to look back with gratitude to the day 
when God gave victory to American arms at Manila and set their land under 
the sovereignty and the protection of the people of the United States." 

That all might share in the regeneration of the islands and participate in 
their government, I directed Gen. MacArthur, the military governor of the 
Philippines, to issue a proclamation of amnesty, which contained, among 
other statements, the following: 

"Manila, P. I., June 21, 1900. 

"By direction of the President of the United States, the undersigned an 
nounces amnesty, with complete immunity for the past and absolute liberty 
of action for the future to all persons who are now or at any time since 
February 4, 1899, have been in insurrection against the United States in 
either a military or a civil capacity, and who shall, within a period of ninety 
days from the date hereof, formally renounce all connection with such insur 
rection and subscribe to a declaration acknowledging and accepting the 
sovereignty and authority of the United States in and over the Philippine 
Islands. The privilege herewith published is extended to all concerned 
without any reservation whatever, excepting that persons who have violated 
the laws of war during the period of active hostilities are not embraced 
within the scope of this amnesty. * * * 

"In order to mitigate as much as possible consequences resulting from 
the various disturbances which since 1896 have succeeded each other so 
rapidly and to provide in some measure for destitute Filipino soldiers during 
the transitory period which must inevitably succeed a general peace, the 
military authorities of the United States will pay 30 pesos to each man who 
presents a rifle in good condition." 

Under their instructions the commission, composed of representative 
Americans of different sections of the country and from different political 
parties, whose character and ability guarantee the most faithful, intelligent, 
and patriotic service, are now laboring to establish stable government under 
civil control, in which the inhabitants shall participate, giving them oppor 
tunity to demonstrate how far they are prepared for self-government. 

This commission, under date of August 21, 1900, makes an interesting re 
port, from which I quote the following extracts: 

"Hostility against Americans originally aroused by absurd falsehoods of 
unscrupulous leaders. The distribution of troops in three hundred posts 
has by contact largely dispelled hostility, and steadily improved the temper 
of the people. This improvement is furthered by abuses of insurgents. 
Large numbers of people long for peace, and willing to accept government 



172 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

under the United States. Insurgents not surrendering after defeat divided 
into small guerilla bands under general officers or become robbers. Nearly 
all of the prominent generals and politicians of the insurrection, except 
Aguinaldo, have since been captured or have surrendered and taken the 
oath of allegiance. * * * All Northern Luzon, except two provinces, 
substantial!} free from insurgents. People busy planting and asking for 
municipal organization. Railway and telegraph line from Manila to Dagu- 
pan, 122 miles, not molested for five months. * * * Tagalogs alone active 
in leading guerrilla warfare. In Negros, Cebu, Romblon, Masbate, Sibuyan, 
Tablas, Bohol, and other Philippine islands little disturbance exists, and 
civil government eagerly awaited. * * * Four years of war and lawless 
ness in parts of islands have created unsettled conditions. * * * Native 
constabulary and militia, which should be organized at once, will end this 
and the terrorism to which defenseless people are subjected. The natives 
desire to enlist in these organizations. If judiciously selected and officered, 
will be efficient forces for maintenance of order and will permit early ma 
terial reduction of United States troops. * * * Turning islands over to 
coterie of Tagalog politicians will blight fair prospects of enormous im 
provement; drive out capital, make life and property secular, and religion 
most insecure; banish by fear of cruel proscription considerable body of 
conservative Filipinos, who have aided Americans in well-founded belief 
that their people are not now fit for self-government, and reintroduce same 
oppression and corruption which existed in all provinces under Malolos in 
surgent government during the eight months of its control. The result will 
be factional strife between jealous leaders, chaos and anarchy, and will re 
quire and justify active intervention of our government or some other. 

* * * Business interrupted by war much improved as peace extends. 

* * * In Negros more sugar in cultivation than ever before. New fores 
try regulations give impetus to timber trade and reduce high price of lum 
ber. The customs collections for last quarter 50 per cent, greater than ever 
in Spanish history, and August collections show further increase. The total 
revenue for same period one-third greater than in any quarter under Spain, 
though cedula tax, chief source of Spanish revenue, practically abolished. 
Economy and efficiency of military government have created surplus fund 
of $6,000,000, which should be expended in much needed public works, 
notably improvement of Manila harbor. * * * With proper tariff and 
facilities, Manila will become great port of Orient." 

The commission is confident that "by a judicious customs law, reasonable 
land tax, and proper corporation franchise tax, imposition of no greater rate 
than that in average American States will give less annoyance, and with 
peace will produce revenues sufficient to pay expenses of efficient govern 
ment, including militia and constabulary." They "are preparing a strin 
gent civil service law, giving equal opportunity to Filipinos and Americans, 
with preference for former where qualifications are equal, to enter at lowest 
rank, and, by promotion, reach head of department." * * * Forty-five 
miles of railroad extension under negotiation will give access to a large 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 173 

province rich in valuable minerals, a mile high, with strictly temperate 
climate. * * * Railroad construction will give employment to many, 
and communication will furnish market to vast stretches of rich agricul 
tural lands." 

They report that there are "calls from all parts of the islands for public 
schools, school supplies, and English teachers, greater than the commis 
sion can provide until a comprehensive school system is organized. Night 
schools for teaching English to adults are being established in response to 
popular demand. Native children show aptitude in learning English. 
Spanish is spoken by a small fraction of people, and in a few years the 
medium of communication in the courts, public offices, and between different 
tribes will be English; creation of central government within eighteen 
months, under which substantially all rights described in the bill of rights 
in the Federal Constitution are to be secured to the people of the Philip 
pines, will bring to them contentment, prosperity, education, and political 
enlightenment" 

This shews to my countrymen what has been and is being done to bring 
the benefits of liberty and good government to these wards of the nation. 
Every effort has been directed to their peace and prosperity, their advance 
ment and well-being, not for our aggrandizement nor for pride of might, 
not for trade or commerce, not for exploitation, but for humanity and civil 
ization; and for the protection of the vast majority of the population who 
welcome our sovereignty against the designing minority, whose first demand 
after the surrender of Manila by the Spanish army was to enter the city 
that they might loot it and destroy those not in sympathy with their selfish 
and treacherous designs. 

Nobody who will avail himself of the facts will longer hold that there 
was any alliance between our soldiers and the insurgents, or that any 
promise of independence was made to them. Long before their leader had 
reached Manila they had resolved if the commander of the American navy 
would give them arms with which to fight the Spanish army, they would 
later turn upon us, which they did murderously and without the shadow of 
cause or justification. There may be those without the means of full infor 
mation who believe that we were in alliance with the insurgents and that 
we assured them that they should have independence. To such, let me 
repeat the facts. On the 26th of May, 1898, Admiral Dewey was instructed 
by me to make no alliance with any party or faction in the Philippines that 
would incur liability to maintain their cause in the future, and he replied 
under date of June 6, 1898, "Have acted according to spirit of department s 
instructions from the beginning, and I have entered into no alliance with the 
insurgents or with any faction. This squadron can reduce the defenses of 
Manila at any moment, but it is considered useless until the arrival of suf 
ficient United States forces to retain possession." In the report of the first 
Philippine commission, submitted on November 2, 1899, Admiral Dewey, 
one of its members, said: "No alliance of any kind was entered into with 
Aguinaldo, nor was any promise of independence made to him at any time." 



174 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Gen. Merritt arrived in the Philippines on July 23, 1898, and a dispatch 
from Admiral Dewey to the government at Washington, said: "Merritt 
arrived yesterday. Situation is most critical at Manila. The Spanish may 
surrender at any moment. Merritt s most difficult problem \vill be how to 
deal with the insurgents under Aguinaldo, who have become aggressive 
and even threatening toward our army." Here is revealed the spirit of the 
insurgents as early as July, 1898, before the protocol was signed, while we 
were still engaged in active war with Spain. Even then the insurgents were 
threatening our army. 

On August 13 Manila was captured, and of this and subsequent events 
the Philippine Commission says: "When the city of Manila was taken, 
August 13, the Filipinos took no part in the attack, but came following in 
with a view to looting the city, and were only prevented from doing so by 
our forces preventing them from entering. Aguinaldo claimed that he had 
the right to occupy the city; he demanded of Gen. Merritt the palace of 
Malacanan for himself and the cession of all churches of Manila, also that 
a part of the money taken from the Spaniards as spoils of war should be 
given up, and above all that he should be given the arms of the Spanish 
prisoners. All these demands were refused. 

Gens. Merritt, Greene, and Anderson, who were in command at the 
beginning of our occupation and until the surrender of Manila, state that 
there was no alliance with the insurgents and no promise to them of inde 
pendence. On August 17, 1898, Gen. Merritt was instructed that there must 
be no joint occupation of Manila with the insurgents. Gen. Anderson, under 
date of February 10, 1900, says that he was present at the interview between 
Admiral Dewey and the insurgent leader, and that in this interview Admiral 
Dewey made no promise whatever. He adds: "He (Aguinaldo) asked me 
if my government was going to recognize his government. I answered 
that I was there simply in a military capacity; that I could not acknowledge 
his government because I had no authority to do so." 

Would not our adversaries have sent Dewey s fleet to Manila to capture 
and destroy the Spanish sea power there, or, dispatching it there, would 
they have withdrawn it after the destruction of the Spanish fleet; and if the 
latter, whither would they have directed it to sail? Where could it have 
gone? What port in the Orient was opened to it? Do our adversaries 
condemn the expedition under the command of Gen. Merritt to strengthen 
Dewey in the distant ocean and assist in our triumph over Spain, with 
which nation we were at war? Was it not our highest duty to strike Spain 
at every vulnerable point, that the war might be successfully concluded at 
the earliest practicable moment? 

And was it not our duty to protect the lives and property of those who 
came within our control by the fortunes of war? Could we have come 
away at any time between May i, 1898, and the conclusion of peace, without 
a stain upon our good name? Could we have come away without dishonor 
at any time after the ratification of the peace treaty by the Senate of the 
United States? 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 175 

There has been no time since the destruction of the enemy s fleet when 
we could or should have left the Philippine archipelago. After the treaty of 
peace was ratified no power but Congress could surrender our sovereignty 
or alienate a foot of the territory thus acquired. The Congress has not 
seen fit to do the one or the other, and the President had no authority to 
do either, if he had been so inclined, which he was not. So long as the 
sovereignty remains in us it is the duty of the Executive, whoever he may 
be, to uphold that sovereignty, and if it be attacked to suppress its assail 
ants. Would our political adversaries do less? 

It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting in the Philip 
pines if Congress had declared its purpose to give independence to the 
Tagal insurgents. The insurgents did not wait for the action of Congress. 
They assumed the offensive, they opened fire on our army. Those who 
assert our responsibility for the beginning of the conflict have forgotten 
that before the treaty was ratified in the Senate and while it was being de 
bated in that body, and while the Bacon resolution was under discussion, 
on February 4, 1899, the insurgents attacked the American army, after 
being previously advised that the American forces were under orders not 
to fire upon them except in defense. The papers found in the recently 
captured archives of the insurgents demonstrate that this attack had been 
carefully planned for weeks before it occurred. Their unprovoked assault 
upon our soldiers at a time when the Senate was deliberating upon the 
treaty shows that no action on our part except surrender and abandonment 
would have prevented the fighting, and leaves no doubt in any fair mind 
of where the responsibility rests for the shedding of American blood. 

With all the exaggerated phrase-making of this electoral contest, we are 
in danger of being diverted from the real contention. 

We are in agreement with all of those who supported the war with Spain, 
and also with those who counseled the ratification of the treaty of peace. 
Upon these two great essential steps there can be no issue, and out of 
these came all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the obligations 
imposed by the war and the treaty, we must decline to act further with 
them, and here the issue is made. It is our purpose to establish in the 
Philippines a government suitable to the wants and conditions of the in 
habitants and to prepare them for self-government, and to give them self- 
government when they are ready for it and as rapidly as they are ready for 
it. That I am aiming to do under my constitutional authority, and will 
continue to do until Congress shall determine the political status of the 
inhabitants of the archipelago. 

Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be reminded that 
it could not have been ratified in the Senate but for their assistance. The 
Senate which ratified the treaty and the Congress which added its sanction 
by a large appropriation comprised Senators and Representatives of the 
people of all parties. 

Would our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our sover 
eignty, or cede it to them? If that be not their purpose, then it should be 



176 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

promptly disclaimed, for only evil can result from the hopes raised by our 
opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that with their success at the polls 
in November there will be a withdrawal of our army and of American 
sovereignty over the archipelago; the complete independence of the Tagalog 
people recognized, and the powers of government over all the peoples 
of the archipelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. 

The effect of a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this will be done 
has already prolonged the rebellion, and increases the necessity for the 
continuance of a large army. It is now delaying full peace in the archi 
pelago and the establishment of civil governments, and has influenced many 
of the insurgents against accepting the liberal terms of amnesty offered by 
Gen. MacArthur under my direction. But for these false hopes, a consider 
able reduction could have been had in our military establishment in the 
Philippines and the realization of a stable government would be already 
at hand. 

The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the sovereignty 
of the United States in the Philippines to a small fraction of the population, 
a single tribe out of eighty or more inhabiting the archipelago, a faction 
which wantonly attacked the American troops in Manila while in rightful 
possession under the protocol with Spain, awaiting the ratification of the 
treaty of peace ty the Senate, and which has since been in active, open re 
bellion against the United States. We are asked to transfer our sovereignty 
to a small minority in the islands without consulting the majority and to 
abandon the largest portion of the population, which has been loyal to us, 
to the cruelties of the guerrilla insurgent bands. More than this, we are 
asked to protect this minority in establishing a government, and to this end 
repress all opposition of the majority. We are required to set up a sta 
ble government in the interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty 
and fired upon our soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost or sacrifice 
against its enemies within and against those having ambitious designs from 
without. 

This would require an army and navy far larger than is now maintained 
in the Philippines, and still more in excess of what will be necessary with 
the full recognition of our sovereignty. A military support of authority 
not our own as thus proposed is the very essence of militarism, which our 
opponents in their platform oppose, but which, by their policy, would of 
necessity be established in its most offensive form. 

The American people will not make the murderers of our soldiers the 
agents of the republic to convey the blessings of liberty and order to the 
Philippines. They will not make them the builders of the new common 
wealth. Such a course would be a betrayal of our sacred obligations to the 
peaceful Filipinos, and would place at the mercy of dangerous adventurers 
the lives and property of the natives and foreigners. It would make pos 
sible and easy the commission of such atrocities as were secretly planned, 
to be executed on the 22d of February, 1899, in the city of Manila, when 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 177 

only the vigilance of our army prevented the attempt to assassinate our sol 
diers and all foreigners and pillage and destroy the city and its surroundings. 

In short, the proposition of those opposed to us is to continue all the 
obligations in the Philippines which now rest upon the government, only 
changing the relation from principal, which now exists, to that of surety. 
Our responsibility is to remain, but our power is to be diminished. Our 
obligation is to be no less, but our title is to be surrendered to another 
power, which is without experience or training or the ability to maintain a 
stable government at home and absolutely helpless to perform its interna 
tional obligations with the rest of the world. To this we are opposed. We 
should not yield our title while our obligations last. In the language of 
our platform, "Our authority should not be less than our responsibility," and 
our present responsibility is to establish our authority in every part of the 
islands. 

No government can so certainly preserve the peace, restore public order, 
establish law, justice, and stable conditions as ours. Neither Congress nor 
the Executive can establish a stable government in these islands except 
under our right of sovereignty, our authority, and our flag. And this we are 
doing. 

We could not do it as a protectorate power so completely or so success 
fully as we are doing it now. As the sovereign power we can initiate action 
and shape means to ends, and guide the Filipinos to self-development and 
self-government. As a protectorate power we could not initiate action, but 
would be compelled to follow and uphold a people with no capacity yet to 
go alone. In the one case we can protect both ourselves and the Filipinos 
from being involved in dangerous complications; in the other we could 
not protect even the Filipinos until after their trouble had come. Besides, 
if we cannot establish any government of our own without the consent of 
the governed, as our opponents contend, then we could not establish a stable 
government for them or make ours a protectorate without the like consent, 
and neither the majority of the people nor a minority of the people have 
invited us to assume it. We could not maintain a protectorate even with 
the consent of the governed without giving provocation for conflicts and 
possibly costly wars. Our rights in the Philippines are now free from out 
side interference, and will continue so in our present relation. They would 
not be thus free in any other relation. We will not give up our own to 
guarantee another sovereignty. 

Our title is good. Our peace commissioners believed they were receiving 
a good title when they concluded the treaty. The Executive believed it was 
a good title when he submitted it to the Senate of the United States for its 
ratification. The Senate believed it was a good title when they gave it their 
constitutional assent, and the Congress seems not to have doubted its com 
pleteness when they appropriated $20,000,000 provided by the treaty. If any 
who favored its ratification believed it gave us a bad title, they were not 
sincere. Our title is practically identical with that under which we hold 

12 



178 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

our territory acquired since the beginning of the government, and under 
which we have exercised full sovereignty and established government for 
the inhabitants. 

It is worthy of note that no one outside of the United States disputes the 
fullness and integrity of the cession. What, then, is the real issue on this 
subject? Whether it is paramount to any other or not, it is whether we 
shall be responsible for the government of the Philippines with the sover 
eignty and authority which enable us to guide them to regulated liberty, 
law, safety, and progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forcible 
and arbitrary government of a minority without sovereignty and authority 
on our part, and with only the embarrassment of a protectorate which draws 
us into their troubles without the power of preventing them. 

There were those who two years ago were rushing us on to war with 
Spain who are unwilling now to accept its clear consequence, as there are 
those among us who advocated the ratification of the treaty of peace, but 
now protest against its obligations. Nations which go to war must be pre 
pared to accept its resultant obligations, and when they make treaties must 
keep them. 

Those who profess to distrust the liberal and honorable purposes of the 
administration in its treatment of the Philippines are not justified. Imper 
ialism has no place in its creed or conduct. Freedom is the rock upon 
which the Republican party was builded and now rests. Liberty is the 
great Republican doctrine for which the people went to war and for which 
a million lives were offered and billions of dollars expended to make it the 
lawful legacy of all without the consent of master or slave. There is a 
strain of ill-concealed hypocrisy in the anxiety to extend the constitutional 
guaranties to the people of the Philippines, while their nullification is openly 
advocated at home. Our opponents may distrust themselves, but they have 
no right to discredit the good faith and patriotism of the majority of the 
people who are opposed to them; they may fear the worst form of imperial 
ism with the helpless Filipinos in their hands; but if they do, it is because 
they have parted with the spirit and faith of the fathers, and have lost the 
virility of the founders of the party which they profess to represent. 

The Republican party does not have to assert its devotion to the Decla 
ration of Independence. That immortal instrument of the fathers remained 
unexecuted until the people, under the lead of the Republican party, in 
the awful clash of battle turned its promises into fulfillment. It wrote into 
the Constitution the amendments guaranteeing political equality to Ameri 
can citizenship, and it has never broken them or counseled others in break 
ing them. It will not be guided in its conduct by one set of principles at 
home and another set in the new territory belonging to the United States. 

If our opponents would only practice as well as preach the doctrines of 
Abraham Lincoln, there would be no fear for the safety of our institutions 
at home or their influence in any territory over which our flag floats. 

Empire has been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines by Ameri- 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 179 

can freedom. The flag of the republic now floats over these islands as an 
emblem of rightful sovereignty. Will the republic stay and dispense to 
their inhabitants the blessings of liberty, education, and free institutions, or 
steal away, leaving them to anarchy or imperialism? 

The American question is between duty and desertion the American ver 
dict will be for duty and against desertion, for the republic against both 
j anarchy and imperialism. 

The country has been fully advised of the purposes of the United States 
in China, and they will be faithfully adhered to, as already defined. 

The nation is filled with gratitude that the little band, among them many 
of our own blood, who for two months have been subjected to privation and 
peril by the attacks of pitiless hordes at the Chinese capital, exhibiting 
supreme courage in the face of despair, have been enabled by God s favor 
to greet their rescuers and find shelter under their own flag. 

The people, not alone of this land, but of all lands, have watched and 
prayed through the terrible stress and protracted agony of the helpless suf 
ferers in Pekin, and while at times the dark tidings seemed to make all hope 
vain, the rescuers never faltered in the heroic fulfillment of their noble task. 

We are grateful to our own soldiers and sailors and marines, and to all 
the brave men who, though assembled under many standards representing 
peoples and races, strangers in country and speech, were yet united in the 
sacred mission of carrying succor to the besieged, with a success that is 
now the cause of a world s rejoicing. 

Not only have we reason for thanksgiving for our material blessings, but 
we should rejoice in the complete unification of the people of all sections 
of our country, that has so happily developed in the last few years, and 
made for us a more perfect Union. The obliteration of old differences, the 
common devotion to the flag, and the common sacrifices for its honor, so 
conspicuously shown by the men of the North and South in the Spanish 
war, have so strengthened the ties of friendship and mutual respect that 
nothing can ever again divide us. The nation faces the new century grate 
fully and hopefully, with increasing love of country, with firm faith in its 
free institutions, and with high resolve that they shall not perish from the 
earth." Very respectfully yours, 

WILLIAM McKINLEY. 



GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY S ADMINISTRATION PROSPERITY 
UNPARALLELED THE DANGER OF FREE COINAGE OF 
SILVER THE PARAMOUNT ISSUE TRUSTS REMEDIES BY 
STATE AND NATIONAL LEGISLATION THE PHILIPPINES 
AND LOUISIANA McKINLEY AND JEFFERSON COMPARED 
IMPERIALISM AND EXPANSION. 

OYSTER BAY, N. Y., Sept. 15, 1900. 

"To Hon. Edward O. Wolcott, Chairman Committee on Notification of 
Vice-President: 

"SiR: I accept the nomination as Vice-President of the United States, 
tendered me by the Republican National Convention, with a very deep 
sense of the honor conferred upon me and with an infinitely deeper sense 
of the vital importance to the whole country of securing the re-election of 
President McKinley. The nation s welfare is at stake. We must continue 
the work which has been so well begun during the present Administration. 
We must show in fashion incapable of being misunderstood that the Ameri 
can people, at the beginning of the twentieth century, face their duties in a 
calm and serious spirit; that they have no intention of permitting folly or 
lawlessness to mar the extraordinary material well-being which they have 
attained at home, nor yet of permitting their flag to be dishonored abroad. 

"I feel that this contest is by no means one merely between Republicans 
and Democrats. We have a right to appeal to all good citizens who are 
far-sighted enough to see what the honor and the interest of the nation 
demand. To put into practice the principles embodied in the Kansas City 
platform would mean disaster to the nation; for that platform stands for 
reaction and disorder; for an upsetting of our financial system which would 
mean not only great suffering, but the abandonment of the nation s good 
faith, and for a policy abroad which would imply the dishonor of the flag 
and an unworthy surrender of our national rights. Its success would mean 
unspeakable humiliation to men proud of their country, jealous of their 
country s good name and desirous of securing the welfare of their fellow- 
citizens. Therefore we have a right to appeal to all good men, North and 
South, East and West, whatever their politics may have been in the past, 
to stand with us, because we stand for the prosperity of the country and for 
the renown of the American flag. 

"The most important of all problems is, of course, that of securing good 

180 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 181 

government and moral and material well-being within our own borders. 
Great though the need is that the nation should do its work well abroad, 
even this comes second to the thorough performance of duty at home. 

"Under the Administration of President McKinley this country has been 
blessed with a degree of prosperity absolutely unparalleled, even in its 
previous prosperous history. While it is, of course, true that no legislation 
and no administration can bring success to those who are not stout of heart, 
cool of head and ready of hand, yet it is no less true that the individual 
capacity of each man to get good results for himself can be absolutely de 
stroyed by bad legislation or bad administration, while under the reverse 
conditions the power of the individual to do good work is assured and 
stimulated. 

"This is what has been done under the Administration of President Mc 
Kinley. Thanks to his actions and to the wise legislation of Congress on 
the tariff and finance, the conditions of our industrial life have been ren 
dered more favorable than ever before, and they have been taken advantage 
of to the full by American thrift, industry and enterprise. Order has been 
observed, the courts upheld and the fullest liberty secured to all citizens. 
The merchant and manufacturer, but, above all, the farmer and the wage- 
worker, have profited by this state of things. 

"Fundamentally and primarily the present contest is a contest for the 
continuance of the conditions which have told in favor of our material wel 
fare and of our civil and political integrity. If this nation is to retain either 
its well-being or its self-respect it cannot afford to plunge into financial and 
economic chaos; it cannot afford to indorse governmental theories which 
would unsettle the standard of national honesty and destroy the integrity of 
our system of justice. 

"The policy of the free coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to I is a policy 
fraught with destruction to every home in the land. It means untold misery 
to the head of every household, and, above all, to the women and children 
of every home. When our opponents champion free silver at 16 to I they 
are either insincere or sincere in their attitude. If insincere in their cham 
pionship they, of course, forfeit all right to belief or support on any ground. 
If sincere, then they are a menace to the welfare of the country. Whether 
they shout their sinister purpose or merely whisper it makes but little differ 
ence, save as it reflects their own honesty. 

"No issue can be paramount to the issue they thus make, for the para- 
mountcy of such an issue is to be determined not by the dictum of any man 
or body of men, but by the fact that it vitally affects the well-being of every 
home in the land. The financial question is always of such far-reaching 
and tremendous importance to the national welfare that it can never be 
raised in good faith unless this tremendous importance is not merely con 
ceded but insisted upon. Men who are not willing to make such an issue 
paramount have no possible justification for raising it at all, for under such 
circumstances their act cannot under any conceivable circumstances do 
aught but grave harm. 



182 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

"The success of the party representing the principles embodied in the 
Kansas City platform would bring about the destruction of all the condi 
tions necessary to the continuance of our prosperity. It would also unsettle 
our whole governmental system, and would therefore disarrange all the 
vast and delicate machinery of our complex industrial life. Above all, the 
effect would be ruinous to our finances. If we are to prosper, the currency 
of this country must be based upon the gold dollar worth one hundred 
cents. 

"The stability of our currency has been greatly increased by the excellent 
financial act passed by the last Congress. But no law can secure our 
finances against the effect of unwise and disastrous management in the 
hands of unfriendly administrators. No party can safely be intrusted with 
the management of our national affairs unless it accepts as axiomatic the 
truths recognized in all progressive countries as essential to a sound and 
proper system of finance. In their essence these must be the same for all 
great civilized peoples. In different stages of development different coun 
tries face varying economic conditions, but at every stage and under all cir 
cumstances the most important element in securing their economic well- 
being is sound finance, honest money. So intimate is the connection be 
tween industrial prosperity and a sound currency that the former is jeopar 
dized not merely by unsound finance, but by the very threat of unsound 
"finance. 

"The business man and the farmer are vitally interested in this question, 
"but no man s interest is so great as that of the wage-worker. A depreciated 
currency means loss and disaster to the business man, but it means grim 
suffering to the wage-worker. The capitalist will lose much of his capital 
and will suffer wearing anxiety and the loss of many comforts, but the wage- 
worker who loses his wages must suffer and see his wife and children suffer 
for the actual necessities of life. The one absolutely vital need of our whole 
industrial system is sound money. 

"One of the serious problems with which we are confronted under the 
conditions of our modern industrial civilization is that presented by the 
great business combinations, which are generally known under the name of 
trusts. The problem is an exceedingly difficult one. The difficulty is im 
mensely aggravated both by honest but wrong-headed attacks on our whole 
industrial system in the effort to remove some of the evils connected with 
it and by the mischievous advice of men who either think crookedly or who 
advance remedies knowing them to be ineffective, but deeming that they 
may, by darkening counsel, achieve for themselves a spurious reputation for 
wisdom. No good whatever is subserved by indiscriminate denunciation of 
corporations generally, and of all forms of industrial combination in par 
ticular; and when this public denunciation is accompanied by private mem 
bership in the great corporations denounced, the effect is, of course, to give 
an air of insincerity to the whole movement. Nevertheless, there are real 
abuses, and there is ample reason for striving to remedy these abuses. A 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 183 

crude or ill-considered effort to remedy them would either be absolutely 
without effect or else would simply do damage. 

"The first thing to do is to find out the facts; and for this purpose pub 
licity as to capitalization, profits and all else of importance to the public is 
the most useful measure. The mere fact of this publicity would in itself 
remedy certain evils, and, as to others, it would in some cases point out the 
remedies, and would at least enable us to tell whether or not certain pro 
posed remedies would be useful. The State acting in its collective capacity 
would thus first find out the facts and then be able to take such measures 
as wisdom dictated. 

"Much can be done by taxation. Even more can be done by regulation, 
by close supervision, and the unsparing excision of all unhealthy, destructive 
and anti-social elements. The separate State governments can do a great 
deal; and where they decline to co-operate the National Government must 
step in. 

"While paying heed to the necessity of keeping our house in order at 
home, the American people can not, if they wish to retain their self-respect, 
refrain from doing their duty as a great nation in the world. The history of 
the nation is in large part the history of the nation s expansion. When the 
first Continental Congress met in Liberty Hall and the thirteen original 
States declared themselves a nation, the westward limit of the country was 
marked by the Alleghany Mountains. Even during the Revolutionary War 
the work of expansion went on. Kentucky, Tennessee and the great North 
west, then known as the Illinois country, were conquered from our white 
and Indian foes during the Revolutionary struggle and were confirmed to 
us by the treaty of peace in 1783. Yet the land thus confirmed was not then 
given to us. It was held by an alien foe until the army, uncfef General 
Anthony Wayne, freed Ohio from the red man, while the treaties of Jay and 
Pinckney secured from the Spanish and British Natchez and Detroit. 

"In 1803, under President Jefferson, the greatest single stride in expansion 
that we ever took was taken by the purchase of the Louisiana territory. 
This so-called Louisiana, which included what are now the States of Ar 
kansas, Missouri, Louisiana, Iowa, Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska, North 
and South Dakota, Idaho, Montana, and a large part of Colorado and Utah, 
was acquired by treaty and purchase under President Jefferson exactly and 
precisely as the Philippines have been acquired by treaty and purchase under 
President McKinley. 

"The doctrine of the consent of the governed, the doctrine previously 
enunciated by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, was not held 
by him or by any other sane man to apply to the Indian tribes in the Louis 
iana territory which he thus acquired, and there was no vote taken even of 
the white inhabitants, not to speak of the negroes and Indians, as to whether 
they were willing that their territory should be annexed. The great majority 
of the inhabitants, white and colored alike, were bitterly opposed to the 
transfer. An armed force of United States soldiers had to be hastily sent 



184 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

into the territory to prevent insurrection, President Jefferson sending these 
troops to Louisiana for exactly the same reasons and with exactly the same 
purpose that President McKinley has sent troops to the Philippines. Jeffer 
son distinctly stated that the Louisianians were not fit or ready for self- 
government, and years elapsed before they were given self-government, 
Jefferson appointing the Governor and other officials without any consulta 
tion with the inhabitants of the newly acquired territory. The doctrine that 
the Constitution follows the flag was not then even considered either by 
Jefferson or by any other serious party leader, for it never entered their 
heads that a new territory should be governed other than in the way in 
which the territories of Ohio and Illinois had already been governed under 
Washington and the elder Adams; the theory known by this utterly false and 
misleading phrase was only struck out in political controversy at a much 
later date, for the sole purpose of justif) 7 ing the extension of slavery into 
the territories. 

"The parallel betw r een what Jefferson did with Louisiana and what is now 
being done in the Philippines is exact. Jefferson, the author of the Declara 
tion of Independence, and of the consent of the governed doctrine, saw no 
incongruity between this and the establishment of a government on com 
mon-sense grounds in the new territory; and he railed at the sticklers for 
an impossible application of his principle, saying, in language which at the 
present day applies to the situation in the Philippines without the change 
of a word, though it is acknowledged that our new fellow-citizens are as 
yet as incapable of self-government as children, yet some can not bring 
themselves to suspend its principles for a single moment. He intended that 
ultimately self-government should be introduced throughout the territory, 
but only as the different parts became fit for it, and no sooner. 

"This is just the policy that has been pursued. In no part of the Louis 
iana purchase was complete self-government introduced for a number of 
years; in one part of it, the Indian Territory, it has not yet been introduced, 
although nearly a century has elapsed. Over enormous tracts of it. includ 
ing the various Indian reservations, with a territory in the aggregate as 
large as that of the Philippines, the Constitution has never yet followed 
the flag; the army officers and the civilian agent still exercise authority, 
without asking the consent of the governed. We must proceed in the 
Philippines with the same wise caution, taking each successive step as it be 
comes desirable, and accommodating the details of our policy to the peculiar 
needs of the situation. But as soon as the present revolt is put down and 
order established, it will undoubtedly be possible to give to the islands a 
larger measure of self-government than Jefferson originally gave Louisiana. 
"The next great step in expansion was the acquisition of Florida. This 
was partly acquired by conquest and partly by purchase, Andrew Jackson 
being the most prominent figure in the acquisition. It was taken under 
President Monroe, the after-time President John Quincy Adams being active 
in securing the purchase. 

"As in the case of the Philippines, Florida was acquired by purchase 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 185 

from Spain, and in Florida the Seminoles, who had not been consulted in 
the sale, rebelled and waged war exactly as some of the Tagals have rebelled 
and waged war in the Philippines. The Seminole War lasted for many 
years, but Presidents Monroe, Adams and Jackson declined for a moment 
to consider the question of abandoning Florida to the Seminoles, or to 
treat their non-consent to the government of the United States as a valid 
reason for turning over the territory to them. 

"Our next question of territory was that of Texas, secured by treaty after 
it had been wrested from the Mexicans by the Texans themselves. Then 
came the acquisition of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada and parts 
of Colorado and Utah as the result of the Mexican War, supplemented five 
years later by the Gadsden purchase. 

"The next acquisition was that of Alaska, secured from Russia by treaty 
and purchase. Ataska was full of natives, some of whom had advanced well 
beyond the stage of savagery and were Christians. They were not consulted 
about the purchase nor was their acquiescence required. The purchase 
was made by the men who had just put through a triumphant war to restore 
the Union and free the slave; but none of them deemed it necessary to push 
the doctrine of the consent of the governed to a conclusion so fantastic as 
to necessitate the turning over of Alaska to its original owners, the Indian 
and the Aleut. For 30 years the United States authorities, military and civil, 
exercised the supreme authority in a tract of land many times larger than 
the Philippines, in which it did not seem likely that there would ever be 
any considerable body of white inhabitants. 

"Nearly 30 years passed before the next instance of expansion occurred, 
which was over the Island of Hawaii. An effort was made at the end of 
President Harrison s administration to secure the annexation of Hawaii. 
The effort was unsuccessful. In a debate in Congress on February 2, 1894, 
one of the lead ers in opposing the annexation of the islands stated: 

" These islands are more than 2,000 miles distant from our extreme west 
ern boundary. We have a serious race problem now in our country and I 
am not in favor of adding to our domestic fabric a mongrel population (of 
this character). Our Constitution makes no provisions for a colonial es 
tablishment. Any territorial government we might establish would neces 
sarily, because of the population, be an oligarchy, which would have to be 
supported by armed soldiers. 

"Yet Hawaii has now been annexed and here delegates have sat in the 
national conventions of the two great parties. The fears then expressed in 
relation to an oligarchy and armed soldiers are not now seriously enter 
tained by any human being; yet they are precisely the objections urged 
against the acquisition of the Philippines at this very moment. 

"We are making no new departures. We are not taking a single step 
which in any way affects our institutions or our traditional policies. From 
-the beginning we have given widely varying degrees of self-government to 
the different territories, according to their needs. 



186 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

"The simple truth is that there is nothing even remotely resembling im 
perialism or militarism involved in the present development of that policy 
of expansion which has been part of the history of America from the day 
when she became a nation. The words mean absolutely nothing as applied 
to our present policy in the Philippines; for this policy is only imperialistic 
in the sense that Jefferson s policy in Louisiana was imperialistic; only 
military in the sense that Jackson s policy toward the Seminoles or Ouster s 
policy toward the Sioux embodied militarism; and there is no more danger 
of its producing evil results at home now than there was of its interfering 
with freedom under Jefferson or Jackson, or in the days of the Indian wars 
on the plains. Our army is relatively not as large as it was in the days of 
Wayne; we have not one regular for every 1,000 inhabitants. There is no 
more danger of a draft than there is of the reintroduction of slavery. 

"When we expanded over New Mexico and California we secured free 
government to these territories and prevented their falling under the mili 
tarism of a dictatorship like that of Santa Anna, or the imperialism of a 
real empire in the days of Maximilian. We put a stop to imperialism in 
Mexico as soon as the Civil War closed. 

"We made a great anti-imperialistic stride when we drove the Spaniards 
from Porto Rico and the Philippines and thereby made ready ground in 
these islands for that gradually increasing measure of self-government for 
which their populations are severally fitted. Cuba is being helped along the 
path to independence as rapidly as her own citizens are content that she 
should go. Of course the presence of troops in the Philippines during the 
Tagal insurrection has no more to do with militarism or imperialism than 
had their presence in the Dakotas, Minnesota and Wyoming during the 
many years which elapsed before the final outbreaks of the Sioux were 
definitely put down. There is no more militarism or imperialism in gar 
risoning Luzon until order is restored than there was imperialism in send 
ing soldiers to South Dakota in 1890, during the Ogallalla outbreak. The 
reasoning which justifies our having made war against Sitting Bull also 
justifies our having checked the outbreaks of Aguinaldo and his followers, 
directed, as they were, against Filipino and American alike. 

"The only certain way of rendering it necessary for our Republic to enter 
on a career of militarism would be to abandon the Philippines to their own 
tribes, and at the same time either to guarantee a stable government among 
these tribes or to guarantee them against outside interference. A far larger 
army would be required to carry out any such policy than will be required 
to secure order under the American flag; while the presence of this flag on 
the islands is really the only possible security against outside aggression. 

"The whole argument against President McKinley s policy in the Philip 
pines becomes absurd when it is conceded that we should, to quote the lan 
guage of the Kansas City platform, give to the Philippines first a stable 
form of government. If they are now entitled to independence, they are 
also entitled to decide for themselves whether their government shall be 
stable or unstable, civilized or savage, or whether they shall have any gov- 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 187 

ernment at all; while it is, of course, equally evident that under such condi 
tions we have no right whatever to guarantee them against outside inter 
ference any more than we have to make such a guarantee in the case of 
the Boxers (who are merely the Chinese analogues of Aguinaldo s follow 
ers). If we have a right to establish a stable government in the islands it 
necessarily follows that it is not only our right but duty to support that 
government until the natives gradually grow fit to sustain it themselves. 
How else will it be stable? The minute we leave it it ceases to be stable. 

Properly speaking, the question is now not whether we shall expand 
for we have already expanded but whether we shall contract. The Philip 
pines are now part of American territory. (To surrender them would be to 
surrender American territory. ) 

"They must, of course, be governed primarily in the interests of their own 
citizens. Our first care must be for the people of the islands which have 
come unde^r our guardianship as a result of the most righteous foreign war 
that has been waged within the memory of the present generation. They 
must be administered in the_ interests of their inhabitants, and that neces 
sarily means that any question of personal or partisan politics in their ad 
ministration must be entirely eliminated. We must continue to put at the 
heads of affairs in the different islands such men as General Wood, Gover 
nor Allen and Judge Taft; and it is a most fortunate thing that we are able 
to illustrate what ought to be done in the way of sending officers thither by 
pointing out what actually has been done. 

"The minor places in their administration, where it is impossible to fill 
them by natives, must be filled by the strictest application of the merit 
system, t It is very important that in our own home administration the 
merely ministerial and administrative offices, where the duties are entirely 
non-political, shall be filled absolutely without reference to partisan affilia 
tions; but this is many times more important in the newly acquired islands. 
The merit system is in its essence as democratic as our common school 
system, for it simply means equal chances and fair play for all. 

"It must be remembered always that governing these islands in the inter 
est of the inhabitants may not necessarily be to govern them as the inhabi 
tants at the moment prefer. To grant self-government to Luzon under 
Aguinaldo would be like granting self-government to an Apache reserva 
tion under some local chief; and this is no more altered by the fact that the 
Filipinos fought the Spaniards than it would be by the fact that Apaches 
have long been trained and employed in the United States Army and have 
rendered signal service therein; just as the Pawnees did under the admin 
istration of Gen. Grant; just as the Stockbridge Indians did in the days of 
General Washington, and the friendly tribes of the Six Nations in the days 
of President Madison. 

"There are now in the United States communities of Indians which have 
advanced so far that it has just been possible to embody them as a whole 
in our political system, all the members of the tribe becoming United States 
citizens. There are other communities where the bulk of the tribes are 



188 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

still too wild for it to be possible to take such a step. There are individuals 
among the Apaches, Pawnees, Iroquois, Sioux and other tribes who are 
now United States citizens, and who are entitled to stand, and do stand, on 
an absolute equality with all our citizens of pure white blood. Men of 
Indian blood are now serving in the army and navy and in Congress and 
occupy high positions both in the business and the political world. 

"There is every reason why as rapidly as an Indian, or any body of In 
dians, becomes fit for self-government, he or it should be granted the fullest 
equality with the whites; but there would be no justification whatever in 
treating this fact as a reason for abandoning the wild tribes to work out their 
own destruction. Exactly the same reasoning applies in the case of the 
Philippines. To turn over the islands to Aguinaldo and his followers would 
not be to give self-government to the islanders; under no circumstances 
would the majority thus gain self-government. They would simply be put 
at the mercy of a syndicate of Chinese half-breeds, under whom corruption 
would flourish far more freely than ever it flourished under Tweed, while 
tyrannical oppression would obtain to a degree only possible under such an 
oligarchy. Yours truly. 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT." 



SOUTH 




MAIN E.NTRANCC 

NOHTH 



CONVENTION HALL. (Showing Plan of Stage and Seate.) 



APPENDIX 



THE PRESS 



The following newspapers were represented and made telegraphic special 
daily reports of the proceedings of the Convention and had seats assigned to 
them in the press department. 



ALABAMA. 

Mobile The Register. 

Birmingham The Age Herald. 



Little Rock 



ARKANSAS. 
The Gazette. 



ARIZONA. 

Phoenix The Arizona Republican 

Daily News. 

Phoenix ..The Herald. 

Phoenix The Arizona Gazette. 

CALIFORNIA. 



San Francisco... 
San Francisco... 
San Francisco... 
San Francisco... 
San Francisco... 
Los Angeles. .. . 
Los Angeles 
Sacramento 


.The Evening Post. 
.The Examiner. 
.The Chronicle. 
.The Call. 
.The Bulletin. 
.The Herald. 
.The Times. 
.The Daily Bee. 



Denver 
Denver 



COLORADO. 

The Rocky Mtn. News. 

, The Republican. 



CONNECTICUT. 

Hartford The Courant. 

Hartford The Globe. 

Hartford The Telegram. 

Hartford The Post. 

Hartford The Times. 

New Haven The Paladian. 

New Haven The Register. 

Waterbury The American. 

DELAWARE. 

\Yilmington The Sun. 

Wilmington The Evening Journal. 

Wilmington The Morning News. 

Wilmington The Every Evening. 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

Washington The Evening Star. 

Washington The Post. 

Washington The Times. 



GEORGIA. 

Atlanta The Journal. 

Atlanta The Constitution. 

Augusta The Chronicle. 

Savannah The News. 

Macon The Telegraph. 

ILLINOIS. 

Chicago The Journal. 

Chicago The Daily News. 

Chicago The Evening Post. 

Chicago The Chronicle. 

Chicago The Record. 

Chicago The Times-Herald. 

Chicago The Inter-Ocean. 

Chicago The Tribune. 

Chicago The Statts-Zeitung. 

INDIANA. 

Indianapolis The Journal. 

Indianapolis The News. 

Indianapolis The Sentinel. 

Indianapolis The Press. 

Evansville The Journal. 

Terre Haute The Evening Gazette. 



Burlington .... 
Davenport 

Dubuque 

Des Moines . . 
Des Moines . . 
Des Moines .. 



IOWA. 

...The Hawk Eye. 
. . .The Times. 
...The Herald. 
...The Register. 
.. .The Leader. 
...The News. 

KANSAS. 



Atchison The Globe. 

Leavenworth The Times. 

Topeka .The Capital. 

Topeka The Journal. 

KENTUCKY. 

Covington The Kentucky Post. 

Frankfort The Zeitung. 

Louisville The Courier Journal. 

Louisville The Dispatch. 

Louisville The Evening Post. 

Louisville The Commercial. 

Louisville The Times. 



189 



190 



OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



New Orleans. 

New Orleans. 

New Orleans. 

New Orleans. 

New Orleans. 



LOUISIANA. 
.The Picayune. 
.The Democrat. 
.The Item. 
.The Press. 
.The States. 

MARYLAND. 



Baltimore The Morning Herald. 

Baltimore The Sun. 

Baltimore The American. 

Baltimore Der Deutsche Corresp t. 

Baltimore The News. 

Baltimore The World. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Boston The Record. 

Boston The Journal. 

Boston The Post. 

Boston The Herald. 

Boston The Daily Advertiser. 

Boston The Transcript. 

Boston The Globe. 

Boston The Traveller. 

Concord The Monitor. 

Springfield The Union. 

Springfield The Republican. 

Worcester The Spy. 



Vicksburg 



MISSISSIPPI. 
The Herald. 

MICHIGAN. 



Detroit The Morning Tribune. 

Detroit The Evening News. 

Detroit The Journal. 

Detroit The Free Press. 

Detroit The Abend Post. 

Grand Rapids.... The Herald. 
Kalamazoo The Telegraph. 

MINNESOTA. 

Minneapolis The Times. 

Minneapolis The Tribune. 

Minneapolis The Journal. 

St. Paul The Dispatch. 

St. Paul The Pioneer Press. 

St. Paul The Globe. 

Duluth The Duluth News Trib e. 

MISSOURI. 
St. Louis The Globe Democrat. 

ft. Louis The Republic, 
t. Louis The Post Dispatch. 

St. Louis The Westliche Post. 

St. Louis The Chronicle. 

St. Louis The Star. 

Kansas City The World. 

Kansas City The Journal. 

Kansas City ....The Star. 
Kansas City The Times Co. 

MONTANA. 
...The Herald. 



Helena 

NEBRASKA. 

Lincoln The Journal. 

Omaha The Bee. 

Omaha The World-Herald. 

NEVADA. 
Reno .. The Gazette Pub. Co. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

Concord The Monitor. 

Manchester The Union. 

NEW JERSEY. 

Elizabeth The Journal. 

Newark The Daily Advertiser. 

Newark The Evening News. 

Jersey City The News. 

Jersey City The Journal. 

Camden The Post-Telegram. 

Camden The Daily Courier. 

Trenton The Daily State Gazette. 

Trenton The True American. 

NEW YORK. 

New York The Sun. 

New York The Commercial Adv. 

New York The Mail and Express. 

New York The World. 

New York The Morning Journal. 

New York The Evening Journal. 

New York The Herald. 

New York The Tribune. 

New York The Statts-Zeitung. 

New York The Times. 

New York The Evening Post. 

New York The Morning Telegraph. 

New York The Evening Telegram. 

New York The Publishers Press. 

New York The Press. 

New York The News. 

Albany The Argus. 

Albany The Journal. 

Albany Press Knickerb k s Exp. 

Albany The Times Union. 

Brooklyn The Daily News. 

Brooklyn The Times. 

Brooklyn The Times. 

Brooklyn The Citizen. 

Brooklyn The Standard Union. 

Buffalo The Buffalo Express. 

Buffalo The Times. 

Buffalo The Commercial. 

Buffalo The Courier. 

Buffalo The Enquirer. 

Buffalo The Evening News. 

Utica The Press. 

Utica The Observer. 

Rochester The Evening Times. 

Rochester The Post Express. 

Rochester The Herald. 

Syracuse The Herald. 

Syracuse The Journal Ptg. & Pub. 

Co. 

Syracuse The Post-Standard Co. 

Troy The Times. 

Troy The Press. 

Troy The Record. 

OHIO. 

Akron The Beacon Journal. 

Canton The Repository Ptg. Co. 

Cincinnati The Enquirer. 

Cincinnati The Times Star. 

Cincinnati The Post. 

Cincinnati The Commerc l Tribune. 

Cincinnati The Cincin ti Yolksblatt. 

Cleveland The Leader. 

Cleveland The Press. 

Cleveland The Plain Dealer. 

Columbus The Dispatch. 

Columbus The Press Post. 

Columbus The State Journal. 

Dayton The Journal. 



TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



191 



OHIO Continued. 

Sandusky The Register. 

Toledo The T9ledo Blade. 

Toledo The Times. 

Toledo The Bee. 

Toledo The Commercial. 

Warren The Tribune. 

Warren The Chronicle. 



Portland 



OREGON. 
...The Morning Oregonian. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 

Philadelphia .. ..The Star. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Daily News. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Item. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Associated Press. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Inquirer. 
Philadelphia .. ..The North American. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Telegraph. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Times. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Press. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Record. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Evening Herald. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Bulletin. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Ledger. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Democrat. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Gazette. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Tageblatt. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Abend Post. 
Philadelphia .. ..The Call. 

Altoona The Times. 

Easton The Argus. 

Harrisburg The Telegraph. 

Harrisburg The Patriot. 

Harrisburg The Independent. 

Lancaster The New Era. 

Lancaster The Examiner. 

Lancaster The Inquirer. 

Lancaster The News. 

Oil City The Derrick. 

Oil City The Blizzard. 

Pittsburg The Times. 

Pittsburg The Daily News. 

Pittsburg The Dispatch. 

Pittsburg The Post. 

Pittsburg The Leader. 

Pittsbnrg The Chronicle Teleg h. 

Pittsburg The Press. 

Pittsburg The Commercial. 

Pottsville The Daily Republican. 

Pottsville The Chronicle. 

Reading The Times. 

Reading The Journal. 

Reading The Republican. 

Reading The Herald. 

Reading The Eagle. 

Scranton The Tribune. 

Scranton The Republican. 

Scranton The Truth. 

Scranton The Times. 

\Vest Chester The Republican. 

Williamsport ....The Sun. 
Wilkes-Barre .... The Times. 
Wilkes-Barre ....The Record. 
York The Dispatch. 



RHODE ISLAND. 

Providence The Journal. 

Providence The Telegram. 

Providence The News. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 
Charleston The News Courier. 

TEXAS. 

Galveston The Tribune. 

Galveston The News. 

Houston The Daily Press. 

Houston TBe Post. 



TENNESSEE. 

Memphis The Commercial Appeal. 

Chattanooga The Times. 

Nashville The American. 



UTAH. 

Salt Lake City... The Tribune. 
Salt Lake City... The Herald. 

VIRGINIA. 

Richmond The Times. 

Richmond The Dispatch. 

WEST VIRGINIA. 

Wheeling The Intelligencer. 

Wheeling The Register. 

Wheeling The News. 

Wheeling The Zeitung. 



WASHINGTON. 

Seattle The Post Intelligencer. 

Seattle The Times. 

Tacoma The Tacoma Ev g News. 

Tacoma The Ledger. 



WISCONSIN- 

Oshkosh The Daily Northwestern. 

Milwaukee The Journal. 

Milwaukee The Sentinel. 

Milwaukee The Evening News. 

Milwaukee The Ev n g Wisconsin. 

Milwaukee The Herald. 

Milwaukee The Germania. 

Madison The Democrat. 



Harper s Weekly. 
Frank Leslie s. 
Outlook. 
Once A Week. 
Collier s Weekly. Post. 
Saturday Evening 



INDEX. 



A 

Acceptance, William McKinley s letter of 156-179 

Theodore Roosevelt s Letter of 180-188 

Adj ournment, sine die 142 

Alward, Dennis E., chosen Reading Clerk 82 

Appendix, The Press 189- 191 

Appleton, D. F., Survivor First Republican Convention 57 

Ashton, J. M., address of, seconding nomination of Theodore 

Roosevelt for Vice President 133-134 

B 

Bauchman, W. B., chosen Assistant Secretary 82 

Beam, John R., chosen Assistant Secretary 82 

Bell, George H., survivor First Republican Convention 57 

Bigler, Warren, chosen Assistant Secretary 82 

Bingham, Henry H., Chairman Committee on Rules and Order of 

Business 51 

remarks by lor 

report of Committee on Rules and Order of Business, reported 

by 92 

Blumenberg, Milton W., Official Stenographer 82 

Bolton, Rev. James Gray, D. D., Prayer by 29-30 

Boswell, Rev. Charles M., D. D. Prayer by 56 

Brinkerhoff, Genl. B. D., survivor First Republican Convention.. 57 

Burke, James Francis, chosen Assistant Secretary 82 

Butlin, George R, chosen Tally Clerk 82 

c 

Cannon, Joseph G., motion to adjourn by 54-55 

Chairman, Temporary, Edward O. Wolcott, chosen 33 

Permanent, Henry Cabot Lodge chosen 82 

Child, Charles H., presentation of gavel by, from Rhode Island 91 



ii INDEX. 

Committee, Advisory ............................................ 15 

National ..................................................... 14 

Congressional .............................................. 16 

Organization of Executive .................................. 15 

Republican National for 1900 ................................ 109 

vacancies on, resolution by Thomas H. Carter, relative to va 

cancies on .......................... , ..................... 139 

to escort Permanent Chairman .............................. 82 

Committees, resolution of Wm. J. Sewell, relative to ............... 49 

Standing, announcement of ............................. 50-51, 52-53 

meeting of .................................................. 54 

Chairmen of State Central ................................... 17 

The local, and their work .................................... 19-26 

to notify the candidates for President and Vice President.... 139-142 

Convention, Call of the .......................................... 31 

First Republican, survivors of ................................ 57 

Conwell, Leon M., "The Local Committees and Their Work" ---- 19 

Credentials, Committee on ....................................... 52 

Report of Committee on ........... r ......................... 58-59 

13 

De Knight, C. W., Messenger to Secretary .......... . ........... 82 

Delegates, roll of, as presented by Committee on Credentials.... 59-80 

Depew, Chauncey M., address of, seconding nomination of Theo 

dore Roosevelt for Vice President ......................... 134-138 

Dick, Charles, Secretary National Committee, official call of the 

convention read by ........................................ 30 

resolution of, relative to committees to notify the candidates... 139 

F 1 

Fairbanks, Charles W., Chairman Committee on Resolutions ...... 53 

report of Committee on Resolutions made by ................. 103 

motion by ................................................... 33 

Foraker, Joseph B., motion to adjourn made by ................. HI 

address of, nominating William McKinley for re-election as 

President ................................................ 114-117 

Fussell, Jacob, survivor of First Republican Convention ........... 57 



Gavels, etc., presentation of .......... : ........................... 91-93 

Gaylord, F. S., chosen Assistant Secretary ........................ 82 

Grey, Lucien, chosen Assistant Secretary ......................... 82 



INDEX. iii 

Grosvenor, Charles H., Chairman Committee on Permanent Or 

ganization ................................................ 50 

report of Committee on Permanent Organization made by... 81-82 
motion to adopt report of Committee on Permanent Organ 

ization adopted .................. ; ......................... 82 

resolution of, relative to publication of Official Proceedings.. 139 

H 

Halstead, Griffin, Messenger to Secretary ......................... 82 

Hanna, M. A., Chairman National Committee, Convention called 

to order by ............................................... 29 

opening address of ......................................... 32-33 

Ilawley, Gen. Joseph R., survivor of First Republican Convention 57 

Headquarters, Campaign, New York ............................. 15 

Chicago .................................................... 15 

Hinds, Asher C, Clerk at President s desk ...................... 82 

Holstein, G. D., M. D., survivor First National Convention ...... 57 

Huxford, W. P., Assistant Chief of Staff ......................... 82 

J 

Jacobs, John, survivor First Republican Convention ............. 57 

Johnson, Charles W., chosen General Secretary of the Convention 82 

Johnson, W. W., Chief of Staff ................................... 82 

K 

Kercheval, Samuel, Master of Doors ............................. 82 

Knight, George A., address of, seconding nomination of President 

McKinley ................................................ 123-127 

Kolp, D. C., chosen Assistant Secretary .......................... 82 



Laing, Walter, survivor First Republican Convention .......... ---- 57 

Lampson, E. L., chosen Reading Clerk ........................... 82 

Langley, John W., presentation of gavel from the mountans of 

Kentucky by .............................................. 92 

Levy, Rev. Edgar M., D. D., prayer by ........................... 54 

survivor First Republican Convention ........................ 57 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, chosen Permanent Chairman ............... 82 

address of, as Permanent Chairman of the Convention ........ 82-91 

decision of, on Lynch substitute for Quay amendment ........ 100 

appointed Chairman of Committee to notify President Mc 

Kinley ................................................... 139 

address of, notifying President McKinley of his nomination for 

President ................................................ 144-146 



i v INDEX. 

Lynch, John R., remarks of, on Quay amendment, substitute of, 

for Quay amendment 100 

M 

Malloy, John R., chosen Assistant Secretary 82 

McCall, John E., remarks of, on Quay amendment 99 

McClure, John, remarks of, on Quay amendment 96 

McGee Flavel, Point of order raised by, on Lynch substitute... 100 

McKinley, William, biographical sketch of 5~9 

named for Presidency by Joseph B. Foraker, seconded by 
Theodore Roosevelt, John M. Thurston, John W. Yerkes, 

George A. Knight and James A. Mount 114-129 

vote of Convention on nomination of 1.30 

nominated 130 

notified of his nomination 143-151 

address of, in response to address of notification 146-151 

Letter of Acceptance of 156-179 

Mount, James A., address of, seconding nomination of President 

McKinley 127-129 

Mudd, Sydney E., motion to postpone Quay amendment until to 
morrow 103 

Murray, M. J., address of, seconding nomination of Theodore 

Roosevelt for Vice President 133 

N 

National Fremont Association, banner of 57 

resolutions of 58 

Newspapers, List of 189-191 

Notifications 143-155 

Committee on, to notify nominee for President 141 

to notify nominee for Vice President 141 

Proceedings 143-155 

o 

Officers of the Convention 3 

Temporary 48 

Permanent 82 

resolution of thanks to 14 

Olson, Sever E., presentation of table from school pupils of Minne 
apolis 93 

Organization, Committee on Permanent 5 

Owen, David C, Chief Organizer 82 



INDEX. 



Payne, Sereno E., Chairman Committee on Credentials 52 

report of the Committee on Credentials made by 58 

motion by, to adopt report of the Committee on Credentials.. 80 

Point of order by, on motion to refer 102 

resolution by, relative to rules 49 

motion by, to adjourn sine die 142 

Permanent Organization, report of Committee on 81-82 

Philadelphia, resolution of thanks to 140 

Platform, reported by Charles W. Fairbanks 103-108 

Potts, J. Herbert, chosen Tally Clerk 82 

President, vote of Convention for 130 

nomination of 130 

Press, The 189-191 

Proceedings, Official, resolution relative to 2 

resolution of Charles H. Grosvenor relative to publication of. . 139 

Proceedings, First Day s 29 

Second Day s 56 

Third Day s 112 

Q 

Quay, Matthew S., amendment of, to report of Committee on Rules 95-97 

amendment of, postponement of 103 

Statement of, showing number of delegates according to pres 
ent basis of representation 97 

Statement of number of delegates according to his amendment 98 

R 

Reception, to National Fremont Association and survivors First 

Republican National Convention 57 

Remmel, H. L., chosen Reading Clerk 82 

Reports, List of newspapers furnishing daily 189-191 

Resolutions, Committee on 53 

report of Committee of 103-108 

report of Committee on, adopted 108 

Roll, Delegates and Alternates 59-8o 

Roosevelt, Theodore, biographical sketch of 10-13 

appointed on Committee to escort Permanent Chairman 82 

address of, seconding the nomination of President McKinley. . 117-119 
named for Vice President by Lafayette Young, M. J. Murray, 

J. M. Ashton, Chauncey M. Depew 131-138 

vote of convention on nomination for Vice President 138 

nominated for Vice President 138 

address of, in response to address of notification 154-155 

Letter of Acceptance of 180-188 



yi ISDEX. 

Royce, John Q.. chosen Assistant Secretary 82 

Rules, temporary 49 

Rules and Order of Business, Committee on 51 

Report of the Committee on 93 

debate on 9^- 103 

amendment of Mr. Quay to report of Committee on 95-97, 103 

Quay amendment to, withdrawn 114 

adoption of report on 114 

Ryan, Rev. P. J., Archbishop of Philadelphia, prayer by 112-113 

8 

Schneider, George, survivor of First Republican Convention 57 

Secretary of the Convention, organization of office of 82 

Sergeant-at-arms, organization of office of 82 

Sewell, William J., resolution by, relative to Committees 49 

remarks by, on Platform 108 

Shaw, Leslie M., appointed on Committee to escort Permanent 

Chairman 82 

Sloane, Judge Rush R., survivor First Republican Convention 57 

Soper, P. L., amendment of, to Quay amendment 101 

Stickney, Gardner P., chosen Assistant Secretary 82 

Stone, James H., chosen Reading Clerk 82 

Survivors First Republican National Convention of 1856, reception 

to 57 

Sweetwood, Earle D., Assistant Master of Doors 82 

T 

Taylor, W. S., motion by, relative to temporary officers 49 

Thanks, resolution of, to officers of Convention 140 

resolution of, to Philadelphia 140 

Thurston, John M., address of, seconding President McKinley s 

nomination 119-121 

V 

Vice Presidents, honorary, appointment of iio-in 

Vice President, vote for 138 

W 

Wiswell, George N., Sergeant-at-arms of the Convention 82 

Wolcott, Edward O., chosen Temporary Chairman 33 

address of - 33-48 

appointed Chairman of Committee to notify Gov. Roosevelt.. 139 

address of, notifying Governor Roosevelt of his nomination for 

Vice President . 152-154 



INDEX. 

Woodard, S., survivor First Republican Convention.. 
Wyand, Jacob, survivor First Republican Convention 



VII 

57 
57 



Yerkes, John W., address of, seconding nomination of President 

McKinley 121-123 

Young, Joseph W., Messenger to Chairman 82 

Young, Lafayette, address of, nominating Theodore Roosevelt for 

Vice President 131-132 




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